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The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples - RePub - Erasmus Universiteit ...

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group” only if certain additional characteristics are present,<br />

namely:<br />

when individual membership is primarily derived<br />

from a birth right (ascription);<br />

when <strong>the</strong> set <strong>of</strong> people consciously and explicitly distinguishes<br />

itself from o<strong>the</strong>r such sets by reference to<br />

specific cultural differences; and<br />

when <strong>the</strong> members <strong>of</strong> such a set identify with one ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />

on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> a shared historical experience.<br />

<strong>The</strong> social process creates boundaries, but also in order<br />

to cut across <strong>the</strong>m. Thus, most ethnic groups include a<br />

minority <strong>of</strong> members who have gained <strong>the</strong>ir membership<br />

not at birth but only later in life, in a context <strong>of</strong> marriage,<br />

migration, language acquisition, adoption, <strong>the</strong> assumption<br />

<strong>of</strong> a new identity and new life style, religious conversion,<br />

etc.<br />

Boundary markers include:<br />

a distinct ethnic name;<br />

a distinct home territory (although many members <strong>of</strong><br />

any ethnic group may have taken up residence, temporarily<br />

or permanently, outside that territory);<br />

associated with <strong>the</strong> home territory, a distinct language<br />

or dialect (although many if not most adults will be at<br />

least bilingual);<br />

distinct traditional authorities (kings, chiefs, headmen);<br />

distinct details <strong>of</strong> custom, especially in <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong><br />

expressive, ceremonial, and ritual production (music,<br />

dance, puberty rites, o<strong>the</strong>r life crisis ritual, patterns <strong>of</strong><br />

sacrification, hairstyle and clothing, royal ritual)<br />

which may be taken as distinguishing ethnic markers<br />

between adjacent ethnic groups even though in fact<br />

<strong>the</strong> spatial distribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> custom in question may<br />

be much more widespread.<br />

In general, ethnicity is conceived as holistic and bundled,<br />

involving language, cultural customs, somatic features,<br />

territory, and political leadership, which integrated<br />

package is claimed to determine <strong>the</strong> total mode <strong>of</strong> being <strong>of</strong><br />

that person. In reality, however, ethnic groups <strong>of</strong>ten differ<br />

from each o<strong>the</strong>r only with respect to a very limited selection<br />

<strong>of</strong> cultural features functioning as boundary markers.<br />

Now, ethnicization displays a remarkable dialectics which<br />

one might consider its engine: on <strong>the</strong> one hand, <strong>the</strong> binary<br />

18<br />

opposition through nomenclature <strong>of</strong>fers a logical structure,<br />

which is fur<strong>the</strong>r ossified through ascription (i.e. being<br />

made into a birth right) and which presents itself as unconditioned,<br />

bounded, inescapable, and timeless (= primordial);<br />

on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> actual processual realization<br />

(through <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a culture coinciding with <strong>the</strong><br />

group boundary, through distinctive cultural symbols,<br />

through a shared historical consciousness, through that part<br />

<strong>of</strong> membership which is non-ascriptive but acquired)<br />

means flexibility, choice, constructedness, and recent<br />

change (= instrumental). Both, entirely contradictory, aspects<br />

<strong>of</strong> ethnicization belong to ethnicity. As a result, ethnicity<br />

is <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>of</strong> a highly kaleidoscopic nature, constantly<br />

changing in shape and difficult to pin down to specific,<br />

general analytical formulae. Above all, it should be realized<br />

that for every set <strong>of</strong> historical actors involved <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

particular vision on ethnic relations and ethnic history is<br />

per definition that <strong>of</strong> partisans, and <strong>the</strong>refore must be subjected<br />

to severe historical criticism before it can be used as<br />

an historical source.<br />

<strong>The</strong> given<br />

(1) model <strong>of</strong> nominal ethnicity within a continuous<br />

cultural space<br />

is only one <strong>of</strong> several very distinct shapes that <strong>the</strong> ethnic<br />

space can take in different periods and in different regions.<br />

Several major alternative models are:<br />

(2) <strong>The</strong> immigrant model, found in all continents<br />

throughout history, where a set <strong>of</strong> immigrants<br />

(not necessarily less numerous than <strong>the</strong> original<br />

population) have managed to insert <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />

into <strong>the</strong> local geographic space, and while retaining<br />

a selection <strong>of</strong> linguistic and cultural specific<br />

traits (<strong>of</strong>ten as a result <strong>of</strong> continued<br />

contacts with <strong>the</strong>se immigrants’ original home,<br />

which may be quite distant, and both culturally<br />

and linguistically very distinct from <strong>the</strong>ir new<br />

host society), have begun to function as an integral<br />

part <strong>of</strong> that host society’s ethnic space.<br />

(3) <strong>The</strong> conquest model, found in all continents<br />

throughout history as a variant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> immigrant<br />

model, in situations where an immigrant dominant<br />

minority (<strong>of</strong> pastoralists, metal-workers,<br />

warriors with superior skills and weapons, etc.)<br />

has imposed itself as a distinct ethnic minority

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