BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie

BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie

01.06.2013 Views

width. Social structures cannot be assumed to be functional for the social system simply because they exist, any more than an organic structure, such as an appendix, can be assumed to be functional for its organism. All that can be said about a structure, or in this case a role relationship, is that it has not yet pushed the organism outside its niche, causing its extinction. In other words, the study of doctor-patient relationships in one society does not indicate how many the particular structures and norms of the providerpatient relationship are simply the result of historical chance, rather than necessitated by the nature of illness and healing in industrial society. And second, such a study does not indicate whether the particular practices and norms are leading in a dysfunctional direction. A critical sociology of the doctor-patient relationship thus arose to challenge the internal contradictions of the Parsonsian biological metaphor: were American doctors the perfect immune system for society, or had they developed into a parasitic growth threatening the health of society? To the more critical 60's generation of social scientists, inspired by growing resistance to unjust claims to power, physicians' defense of professional power and autonomy appeared to be merely self-interested authoritarianism. Physicians' battle-cry of the sacred nature of the doctorpatient relationship sounded hollow in their struggles against universal health insurance. Physicians' high incomes and defense of autonomy appeared to result in both bad medicine and bad health policy, and physician's unaccountable power appeared all the more nefarious because of medicine's intimate invasion of the body. In this context, Eliot Freidson's work (1961, 1970, 1975, 1986) crystallized the notion that professional power was more self-interested than "collectivity-oriented." Freidson saw the doctor-patient relationship as a bargained interface between a professional system and a lay system, each with its own interests and hence with the high potentiality of conflict. Freidson's approach to the sick role went beyond Parsons to assert that doctors create the legitimate categories of illness. Professionalization grants physicians a monopoly on the definition of health and illness, and they use this power over diagnosis to extend their control. This control extends beyond the claim to technical proficiency in medicine, to claims of authority over the organization and financing of health care, areas which have little to do with their training. 63

All these approaches mentioned above criticizing Parson’s vision, have expose the weaknesses of the relationship in concern but also suggest a historical evolution in patient and physician relation. The history of medicine has witnessed a gradual erosion of the physician's time-honored role as all-knowing healer. Whether physicians were experts in their fields, self-taught folk healers, or complete quacks, the doctor's words, for generations, were accepted as correct, complete, final, and to be obeyed. Indeed, the language of the 1847 Code of Medical Ethics of the American Medical Association, titled "Obligations of Patients to Their Physicians", endorsed this paradigm: “The obedience of a patient to the prescriptions of his physician should be prompt and implicit. He should never permit his own crude opinions as to their fitness, to influence his attention to them. A failure in one particular may render an otherwise judicious treatment dangerous, and even fatal”. The patient was treated like a child; innocent, unschooled, and too simple to know how to take care of himself or herself. This wise fathersimple child relationship led to an inherently paternalistic model of the physician-patient relationship. But while science and technology have filled medical books with more and more treatment options and diseases are better understood, the instantaneous dissemination of news around the world has simultaneously rendered the public hyper-aware of the new capabilities of medicine. As a result, patients have shifted from approaching physicians with hope and faith to approaching them with high expectations of precision, of speed, of a virtual superstore of treatment options. Patients have taken the reins of health care with both hands. They come to doctor's offices armed with reams of printouts from health Web sites. They specifically request medicines or treatments advertised in popular magazines, on television, and on the Internet. In response to this type of informed (though sometimes misinformed) patient, many physicians have come to grant a greater level of autonomy or shared decision making to all the patients in their practices. A turning point in the shift from physician paternalism to respect for patient autonomy was the requirement for the patient's informed consent to treatment. The concept of informed consent did not exist in writings on Egyptian, Greek, or Roman medicine. Indeed, the phrase "informed consent" was not used until the 1950s. The notion of "consent to treatment" was a consequence of the Nuremberg Trials that later 64

All these approaches mentioned above criticizing Parson’s vision,<br />

have expose the weaknesses of the relationship in concern but also suggest<br />

a historical evolution in patient and physician relation.<br />

The history of medicine has witnessed a gradual erosion of the<br />

physician's time-honored role as all-knowing healer. Whether physicians<br />

were experts in their fields, self-taught folk healers, or complete quacks,<br />

the doctor's words, for generations, were accepted as correct, complete,<br />

final, and to be obeyed. In<strong>de</strong>ed, the language of the 1847 Co<strong>de</strong> of Medical<br />

Ethics of the American Medical Association, titled "Obligations of<br />

Patients to Their Physicians", endorsed this paradigm: “The obedience of a<br />

patient to the prescriptions of his physician should be prompt and implicit.<br />

He should never permit his own cru<strong>de</strong> opinions as to their fitness, to<br />

influence his attention to them. A failure in one particular may ren<strong>de</strong>r an<br />

otherwise judicious treatment dangerous, and even fatal”.<br />

The patient was treated like a child; innocent, unschooled, and too<br />

simple to know how to take care of himself or herself. This wise fathersimple<br />

child relationship led to an inherently paternalistic mo<strong>de</strong>l of the<br />

physician-patient relationship.<br />

But while science and technology have filled medical books with<br />

more and more treatment options and diseases are better un<strong>de</strong>rstood, the<br />

instantaneous dissemination of news around the world has simultaneously<br />

ren<strong>de</strong>red the public hyper-aware of the new capabilities of medicine. As a<br />

result, patients have shifted from approaching physicians with hope and<br />

faith to approaching them with high expectations of precision, of speed, of<br />

a virtual superstore of treatment options.<br />

Patients have taken the reins of health care with both hands. They<br />

come to doctor's offices armed with reams of printouts from health Web<br />

sites. They specifically request medicines or treatments advertised in<br />

popular magazines, on television, and on the Internet. In response to this<br />

type of informed (though sometimes misinformed) patient, many<br />

physicians have come to grant a greater level of autonomy or shared<br />

<strong>de</strong>cision making to all the patients in their practices.<br />

A turning point in the shift from physician paternalism to respect<br />

for patient autonomy was the requirement for the patient's informed<br />

consent to treatment. The concept of informed consent did not exist in<br />

writings on Egyptian, Greek, or Roman medicine. In<strong>de</strong>ed, the phrase<br />

"informed consent" was not used until the 1950s. The notion of "consent<br />

to treatment" was a consequence of the Nuremberg Trials that later<br />

64

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