BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie
BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie
(4)Objectivity and emotional neutrality /do not adjudicate the patient or make them closer than it is requested by the principles of objectivity/. Parsons mention the idea of asymmetric physician dominance in relation with sick person. The features of this dominance are following: 1. Higher status and power; 2. Professional prestige; 3. Situational physician authority, a monopoly over what the patient wants: since demand exceeds supply; 4. Physician is advantageous because the patient has to come to him; 5. Situational dependency to receive medical care, the patient has to consent to condition prescribed by physician. Thus, the role of doctor is an active but the role of patient is passive one. Talcott Parsons have a great contribution in analyses of doctorpatient relationships as a relation of roles. Firstly because creates an original conception on it and secondly because his conception stimulates other sociologists to formulate different approaches to the doctor- patient relation, essentially via criticism to this original conception. The main these approaches being exposed below. Thus, Hafferty (1988) accuses Parson of having been overly optimistic about the success of physician socialization to universalism and affective-neutrality. Physicians often react negatively to dying patients, patients they do not like, and patients they believe are complainers. Physicians also are subject to personal financial and personal interests in patient care. Kelly (1987) considers that while the basic notion that norms and social roles influence illness and doctoring has remained robust, there have been numerous qualifications to the particular elements that Parsons attributed to the patient-physician role relationship. For instance, physicians and the public consider some illnesses in the West and in other societies to be the responsibility of the ill, such as lung cancer, AIDS and obesity, making it more difficult for them to be normatively reintegrated into society. Physicians and other providers react less favorably to patients who are held responsible for their illness than to "innocent" patients. Another weakness of Parsons' description is that it was specific to acute illness, and did not speak to the increasingly prevalent chronic illnesses and disabilities, a sick role which is permanent and not 61
transitional. Szasz and Hollender's (1956) work refined Parsons by elaborating different doctor-patient models arising around different types of illness: (1) Patient passivity and physician assertiveness are the most common reactions to acute illness; (2) Less acute illness is characterized by physician guidance and patient cooperation; (3) Chronic illness is characterized by physicians participating in a treatment plan where patients had the bulk of the responsibility to help themselves. Critics have also shown that there is a great deal of inter-cultural and inter-personal variation in sick roles and norms. The "American" sick role is not as useful a concept as the more specific "white, Midwestern, Scandinavian, male" sick role. There is also cross-class variation. Some of the poor adapt to their lack of access to medical care by becoming fatalistic, rejecting the necessity of medical treatment, and coming to see illness and death as inevitable. On the other hand, the educated classes have become more assertive in the relationship, rejecting the norm of passivity in favor of self-diagnosis or negotiated diagnosis. There is also inter-cultural variation in physician roles, and variation among physicians in the success of their role socialization. While Parsons' model of doctors' affective neutrality, collective-orientation, and egalitarianism towards patients did express the professional ideal, some physicians are more affectively neutral than others. Following Parsons' lead, some sociologists began to focus on the socialization (professionalization) of physicians and the factors in medical school and residency that facilitated or discouraged optimal role socialization to doctor-patient relationships. Thus, Conrad (1989) considers that the Parsons’ work generally took the division of labor in medicine for granted, and painted a more or less heroic picture of medical self-sacrifice. Beginning to focus on aspects of the physician role and medical education which themselves militated against humanistic patient care he suggested that medical schools and residencies socialized physicians into "dehumanization," and to place professional identity and camaraderie before patient advocacy and social idealism. James "J." Hughes considers that the most important weakness of Parsons' functionalist account of the doctor-patient relationship arose from his poor understanding of the ecological concepts of dysfunction and niche 62
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(4)Objectivity and emotional neutrality /do not adjudicate the<br />
patient or make them closer than it is requested by the principles of<br />
objectivity/.<br />
Parsons mention the i<strong>de</strong>a of asymmetric physician dominance in<br />
relation with sick person. The features of this dominance are following:<br />
1. Higher status and power;<br />
2. Professional prestige;<br />
3. Situational physician authority, a monopoly over what the<br />
patient wants: since <strong>de</strong>mand exceeds supply;<br />
4. Physician is advantageous because the patient has to come to<br />
him;<br />
5. Situational <strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>ncy to receive medical care, the patient has<br />
to consent to condition prescribed by physician.<br />
Thus, the role of doctor is an active but the role of patient is<br />
passive one.<br />
Talcott Parsons have a great contribution in analyses of doctorpatient<br />
relationships as a relation of roles. Firstly because creates an<br />
original conception on it and secondly because his conception stimulates<br />
other sociologists to formulate different approaches to the doctor- patient<br />
relation, essentially via criticism to this original conception. The main<br />
these approaches being exposed below.<br />
Thus, Hafferty (1988) accuses Parson of having been overly<br />
optimistic about the success of physician socialization to universalism and<br />
affective-neutrality. Physicians often react negatively to dying patients,<br />
patients they do not like, and patients they believe are complainers.<br />
Physicians also are subject to personal financial and personal interests in<br />
patient care. Kelly (1987) consi<strong>de</strong>rs that while the basic notion that norms<br />
and social roles influence illness and doctoring has remained robust, there<br />
have been numerous qualifications to the particular elements that Parsons<br />
attributed to the patient-physician role relationship. For instance,<br />
physicians and the public consi<strong>de</strong>r some illnesses in the West and in other<br />
societies to be the responsibility of the ill, such as lung cancer, AIDS and<br />
obesity, making it more difficult for them to be normatively reintegrated<br />
into society. Physicians and other provi<strong>de</strong>rs react less favorably to patients<br />
who are held responsible for their illness than to "innocent" patients.<br />
Another weakness of Parsons' <strong>de</strong>scription is that it was specific to<br />
acute illness, and did not speak to the increasingly prevalent chronic<br />
illnesses and disabilities, a sick role which is permanent and not<br />
61