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RADICALS FOR CAPITALISM 205
His belief in the power and effi cacy of free markets endeared him to
the independent business owners who formed the backbone of his
organization.
Young Goldwater enthusiasts quickly noticed that he seemed to perfectly
embody Rand’s iconography of the independent, manly hero.
Jerome Tuccille, an avid libertarian, remembered, “More important
than his message was the fact that Goldwater managed to look the part
as though he had been made for it. . . . One look at him and you knew he
belonged in Galt’s Gulch, surrounded by striking heroes with blazing
eyes and lean, dynamic heroines with swirling capes.” The campaign’s
student arm was saturated with Rand fans, as one MIT student remembered.
He joined YAF and Students for Goldwater, only to fi nd that
“Most of the key people in both groups (which mostly overlapped) were
Objectivists, and I kept getting into discussions of Rand’s ideas without
having read the books.” The connection between Rand and Goldwater’s
campaign was cemented by Karl Hess, a dedicated NBI student and one
of Goldwater’s chief speechwriters. Hess sprinkled Randian parlance
liberally throughout his boss’s speeches. “There were strong echoes
from the novelist of romantic capitalism, Ayn Rand,” the Washington
Star noted of one Goldwater speech. 41
As the campaign wore on, Rand was outraged to see Goldwater caricatured
as a racist by the mass media. It was true that both she and
Goldwater opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, a litmus test of liberal
acceptability, but neither she nor Goldwater was truly prejudiced. Rand
inveighed against racism as “the lowest, most crudely primitive form
of collectivism,” and Goldwater had integrated his family’s business
years before and was even a member of the NAACP. But Goldwater’s
libertarianism trumped his racial liberalism. He was among a handful
of senators who voted against the bill, a sweeping piece of legislation
intended to address the intractable legacy of racial discrimination in the
South. Goldwater’s vote was based on principles he had held for years.
A fi rm supporter of state’s rights, he was alarmed at the expansive powers
granted the federal government under the act. Following the analysis
of his friends William Rehnquist and Robert Bork, he also believed the
act was unconstitutional because it infringed on private property rights.
In the scrum of electoral politics such distinctions were academic.
Goldwater’s vote went down as a vote for segregation.
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