chapter 1 - Bentham Science

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man
By
John Alan Cohan

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CONTENTS
Preface i
CHAPTERS
PART I: Primitive Societies and Cultural Frameworks
1. Why Study Primitive Cultures? 01
2. Cultural Relativism 22
3. Apollinian and Dionysian Cultures 29
PART II: Primitive Beliefs, Practices and Rituals
4. Mana 37
5. Animism 49
6. Totemism 76
7. Hunting and Cultivation Rituals 83
8. Shamanism: The “Wounded Healer” 95
9. Envy and the Evil Eye 114
PART III: Consciousness and Magical Powers
10. Altered States of Consciousness 127
11. Trance and Possession States 133
12. Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft 150
PART IV: Conflict and Death
13. Death by Suggestion: Voodoo Death, Taboo Death, and Bone-Pointing 167
14. The Placebo Effect 172
15. Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive Impulses, Enemies and War 175
16. Treatment of the Dead 192
PART V: Status and Wealth
17. Potlatches 201
18. Status, Prestige, Recognition--the Need for Social Approval 207
PART VI: Cultural Phenomena and Folk Medicine
19. Culture-Bound Syndromes 212
20. Mass Hysteria, Mass Possession 230
21. Folk Medicine 236

PART VII: Women and Children in Primitive Societies
22. The Treatment and the Role of Women in Primitive Cultures 246
23. Child Rearing and the Treatment of Children in Primitive Cultures 255
PART VIII: When Modern Culture Meets Primitive Culture, and a Case Study
24. Cargo Cults 260
25. Nomadic Peoples: A Case Study of the Batek People of Malaysia 266
References 274
Appendix 290
Index 310

PREFACE
Cultural anthropology is a relatively new discipline, having its origins in 19th century ethnology, which involves the
organized comparison of human cultures. It was not until the 1920s that anthropologists started to actually live
among primitive people for a considerable period of time, to participate in and observe the social and cultural life of
the group. Up until then, an understanding of other people was important mainly to diplomats, military personnel,
colonial officials, missionaries, and traders. In fact, once anthropology got going as a discipline, scholars gathered
materials from these very groups. Anthropology became a recognized academic discipline in the 1890s. The first
department of anthropology was established by the University of California in 1902, and the first course pertained to
North American ethnology.
The use of the word “primitive” in the title of this book has no derogatory implications whatsoever. “Primitive” does
not mean “inferior,” but is derived from the Latin primitivus, meaning “Of or belonging to the first age, period, or
stage.” It connotes traits that are simple, fundamental, and of ancient origins, unadulterated by exposure to trends of
the industrialized world. “Modern” is also a controversial term, but I use it to refer to industrialized cultures and, to
some degree, a materialistic, mechanistic, unnatural, highly commercialized and dehumanized pattern of living.
The anthropologist is bound to consider to what extent, if any, the primitive mind differs from the modern mind or is
somewhat similar. In this book we will explore the fundamental complexities of human cultures, often replete with
rich organization, resilient traditions, clarity of roles and taboos, dynamic interdependence on the natural
environment, and the idea that all beings exist in relation to one another.
A fundamental principle in anthropology is that cultures should be studied as a whole, and that customs and beliefs
can be properly understood only in the context in which they operate. This does not arbitrarily carve out from human
culture a segment such as the economy, political systems, law, personality structure, or social relations, but rather
focuses on human societies as an interrelated whole.
Cultural anthropology seeks to describe and explain the variety of behaviors, customs and beliefs among people of
the world, their forms of social organization, the manifold connections between various aspects of human life, and
the shared ways of doing, thinking and making things.
As we will see throughout this book, characteristics that seem to be most rigorous and distinctive in these cultures
are, in many ways, found in the same thought processes and motivations of people in developed cultures. Perhaps
the greatest lesson driven home by modern anthropology is the remarkable adaptability of human beings as revealed
through the enormous diversity of behavior that anthropologists have discovered among cultures of the world.
This book seeks to instill respect for the belief systems of other cultures. We might disagree with what other people
regard as “science,” and find their logic to be perplexing, but when we put aside our cultural prejudices and try to
understand these beliefs and practices from the perspective of those who engage in them-we can gain new insights
about our own practices.
Anthropology is of interest because human nature is of interest. Human nature is expressed in fundamentally similar
patterns throughout the ages. We see, for instance in Old Testament literature, that human beings display a stream of
emotions and tendencies then as they do now-envy, anger, treachery, warlike tendencies, greed, love, lust, hate,
cooperation, courage, faith, doubt, generosity, and so on.
In the best of circumstances it is impossible to put together a completely representative book about cultural
anthropology, given the ever-changing patterns of culture. Though there is a great deal of continuity and stability
within cultures from generation to generation, there is no such thing as unchanging traditions. Cultures are subject to
constant change by such factors as invention, outside contact, and adaptive drift from within. In an era of
i

ii
globalization and shrinking borders, even isolated pockets of civilization are subject to an adaptive drift. Thus,
cultures are not viewed in a static social equilibrium, but are conceived as a dynamic phenomenon.
Anthropology not only explores phenomena such as magic, witchcraft, divination, ritual and ceremony, but a vast
array of beliefs that often overlap with our own. Healing practices, for instance, are universal among cultures, and
while modern Western medicine has made many strides toward curing disease, a majority of cultures today rely on
shamans, witch-doctors and folk healers to diagnose and heal illness. Magic is relied upon in many cultures to
produce rain, to overcome one’s enemies, to insure victory in battle, to cause pregnancy, to find lost objects, to
prevent or cure sickness, to assure an abundant supply of food, to ward off evil omens, and so on. There are parallel
belief systems in modern cultures, as discussed in this book.
We will examine how people interact with others, trade, deal with conflicts, organize ceremonies, use rituals and
symbols, adapt myths to suit current trends, and we will explore their practices concerning child rearing, the
treatment of women, conflict and death, status and wealth, altered states of consciousness, the evil eye, magical
powers, healing, witchcraft, hunting and gathering, how peoples cope with death, and other patterns of culture.
It has become more important than ever to respect and understand different points of view without being so certain
that our own perspective is “right,” while others are “wrong.” The tendency towards ethnocentric attitudes is
pervasive in the world. In principle, there is no reason why our own beliefs should be viewed as superior to those of
other cultures. Cultural relativism goes hand in hand with a study of anthropology-for from the perspective of each
group of people, what is “good” or “bad” may be uniquely different from the next one. At the same time, as brought
out in this book, there are certain basic values recognized by all people, suggesting a fundamental uniformity in
moral principles—however, differently they may be expressed from culture to culture. In this book we will discover
that different values have common cores.
Today, the various cultures of the world are of interest to everyone, not only because the behavior of almost any
society may have important ramifications in world affairs, but because we can now easily visit distant and formerly
inaccessible places, we can develop friendships across the world (at least in cyberspace), and a great many people
immigrate to live and work in cultures that have different customs and traditions than learned in their homeland.
I have tried to avoid writing a “technical” book so as to engage undergraduate college students studying the social
sciences, as well as general readership (“armchair anthropologists”), because I think it is important to present a
broad cultural dimension in an accessible format in an age where the world is growing smaller and smaller.
This book presents a systematic attempt to introduce, analyze and formulate precise concepts and clear definitions
into the subject. This book is intended to make a contribution to our understanding of how various people carry on
their lives and solve daily problems, and seeks to evoke the imagination of the reader to instill a genuine
appreciation of cultural diversity.
Anthropology has so many aspects, its roots and branches penetrate so profusely into the fabric of society, that it is
difficult to study anthropology in its entirety. Anthropology today is not just of academic interest. There are
numerous fields that have opened up to anthropologists in recent years, with anthropologists working for municipal,
state and federal governments. Anthropologists are hired to analyze government data, track population growth,
determine the sources of gang warfare, understand traffic patterns, migration patterns, demographic information, and
so on. Anthropologists are called upon as expert witnesses in various court proceedings to help the jury understand
the motivations behind certain conduct. The military hires anthropologists to help analyze intelligence data and help
understand customs of foreign cultures. Anthropologists are hired to help analyze differences between national
cultures and regional, ethnic subcultures, and to help formulate organizational as well as international policy.
Business anthropology is a growing field: Almost every large company has anthropologists on staff to conduct
qualitative research on employee relations, to study work processes so as to help promote greater efficiency, to study

consumer behavior, organizational change, sex differences in the workplace, and to help formulate ways to adjust
business practices in foreign markets.
In short, the reader should find the information in this book accessible and helpful in understanding the social
movements and concerns that so many cultures are confronted with in the midst of globalization.
iii
John Alan Cohan
Western State Law School
USA

PART I: PRIMITIVE SOCIETIES AND CULTURAL
FRAMEWORKS

Why Study Primitive Cultures?
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 01-21 1
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 1
Abstract. In this chapter we discuss a number of interlinked topics about what we can gain from a study of
primitive cultures. What are their patterns of behavior or ways of thinking about life? A principle theme is that
the modern mind is fundamentally primitive. We will compare the “primitive” world view with our “modern”
counterpart, and come to understand the fundamental richness of primitive cultures. Explanation of the term
“primitive.” Primitive mentality sheds light on how our minds work. Many of the practices are still current and
can help us understand our own, parallel patterns of living. Discussion of what is meant by “culture,” and “human
nature.” Discussion of prevalence of communal lifestyle and social cooperation, conformity to norms, non-market
economies, food-sharing, ancestral worship, social atomism of some primitive cultures (i.e., lack of central
leadership), prevalence of custom over law, reliance on myths and magical thinking, animistic connection to the
environment. We will discuss the trend toward acculturation, the tendency of some indigenous populations to
exist side-by-side with the dominant culture, the tension between the pressure to adopt new customs and the pull
to retain the old. The desire to resist assimilation into the dominant group, and the inevitability of cultures
changing within themselves. We will discuss the downside of acculturation: colonial imperialism, imposition of
paternalistic laws outlawing traditional practices, dispossession of lands, deprivation of political power,
resettlement, resulting in a demoralized population, trend of making amends for mistreatment of indigenous
people in the past. We will discuss the prevalence of nativistic movements to revive and preserve traditional
cultural practices.
WHAT WE CAN GAIN FROM A STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURES
One of the best ways to understand ourselves is to understand other people.
What are the customs and traditions that others hold dear to their hearts? What are their patterns of behavior or ways
of thinking about life? What sort of meaning, wisdom, power and other gifts do people preserve in their culture? We
can better understand ourselves by a “detour” to other cultures, even if we don’t care to adopt strange patterns of
behavior or ways of thinking.
At first blush, the way people of other cultures carry on their lives may stand in stark contrast to our “modern” ways.
One of the main aims of anthropologists is to discover parallels between primitive lifestyles and our own “modern”
way of life. Anthropologists are attracted to this discipline in part because “The opportunity to document, study, and
gain insight first hand, from living tradition, is momentous” (Howard, 2002, p. 62).
In this book I will compare the “primitive” world view with our “modern” counterpart, and show how we can gain a
deeper perspective of our own processes by studying people with different world views than our own. As we will
see, despite the apparent contrasts, in many respects there is not really a very wide gulf between primitive and
modern ways of thinking.
Often enough, we in modern cultures feel a peculiar nostalgia for the richness of simpler, primitive lifestyles. We
frequently hear of people who want to replace their lifestyle with something basic and more authentically human. To
“downsize” or “return to the sources” seem to be popular new maxims.
From the experiences of primitive cultures we can rediscover an inner reality that resonates with new patterns in the
industrial world. For instance, many indigenous people have a harmonious, reverential relationship with the natural
world around them, and this is something that modern environmentalists find to be a comforting ideal. They tend to
see unity in the world of nature, and are quick to discern traces of the sacred everywhere about them. Their
cosmology embraces a connection to spirits of the land and ancestors.
Perhaps somewhat romanticized, but with some measure of truth, primitive people tend to be happy and for the most
part live idyllic lives. Their lives are often (but not always) free of stress or worry, despite a paucity of creature
comforts. This was observed particularly in the South Pacific by early explorers reporting of the “natural happiness

2 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
and utmost sexual freedom” (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 183) of the natives of Tahiti. To some degree, as we will see,
acculturation has pulled the rug from underneath otherwise carefree lifestyles. For instance, in many cases the
younger generation has found satisfaction in seeking higher education and working in urban centers in a variety of
jobs ranging from day laborers to government bureaucrats. When returning to their ancestral villages there can be a
palpable tension with the older generation regarding native customs and the authority of elders.
As we come to understand the fundamental richness of primitive cultures, as we take in the complexities of human
behavior and allow for diverse perceptions, we can better understand our own inner processes. We can also learn
and appreciate that the Western mind are not the only valid approach to experiencing the world.
THE MODERN MIND IS FUNDAMENTALLY PRIMITIVE
Are you sometimes surprised to find a “savage” nature within yourself? Do you point the finger in dismay at
“brutes” in society who commit unspeakably vile acts? The fact is, the “savage” nature sometimes associated with
primitives is inside each of us. According to Lucas and Barrett (1995), the primitive mind is
a primal force within ourselves. As a presence within the Western self, the primitive may be either an
instinctual disordering force which erupts as violence or madness, or alternatively, a wellspring of order
which places us in harmonious and healthy touch with nature and our “true selves.” (p. 290)
Primitive mentality sheds light on how our minds work. Do all minds function in the same manner, or do primitives
have “different” mental processes? At first, it appears that the difference between the primitive, prelogical mind, and
the modern mind is great and far-reaching. But as we will see, within this world of difference there is a natural
similarity, perhaps most notably in such areas as collective emotion.
As stated by Swift (1926):
Primitive mentality was probably not essentially different, however, from modern mentality. It was
dominated by collective emotion. It is largely so today. Primitive consciousness was group consciousness.
It remains very largely so today. The conditions of primitive living required unity of feeling and action in
the group as the common method. We, also, speak much of the values of cooperation. And we show by
our persistent lapses into primitive emotionalism how near modern life is to the primitive. (p. 539)
Indeed, much of modern mentality is dominated by “persistent lapses into primitive emotionalism.” Collective
emotions, particularly in times of great stress, show that we have a strong “group consciousness,” as do the
primitives. Often the greatest moments in an individual’s life are those that come with common experiences and
unity of feeling in groups.
According to Jung (1933), civilized human beings display a range of “archaic processes,”
and not merely in the form of sporadic “throw-backs” from the level of modern social life. On the
contrary, every civilized human being, whatever his conscious development, is still an archaic man at the
deeper levels of his psyche. Just as the human body connects us with the mammals and displays numerous
relics of earlier evolutionary stages going back even to the reptilian age, so the human psyche is likewise
a product of evolution which, when followed up to its origins, shows countless archaic traits. (p. 144)
Jung claims that all people share basically the same human world view comprised of the archetypes and the
collective unconscious, and this is evidenced by the universal belief in spirits. The belief in spirits-disembodied
intelligences that interact with humans-is not only a hallmark of primitive cultures, but is common in highly
civilized cultures. Spirits are good or bad, some spirits heal, others do harm, some are wise, others are fools. Spirits
are thought to be a force field, concentrated vibrations that exist in a nonphysical domain. They might be equivalent
to the soul of people who have died, and retain the personality, knowledge, and motivations of the person who has
died. In Christian thought, these souls occupy a spiritual place known as limbo (or purgatory), heaven or hell. These
spirits may want to communicate with us on the material plane. Some have tasks that they may wish to complete;
some may wish to do harm; others may wish to communicate messages to loved ones.

Introduction The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 3
We all know that as children we talked with spirits or entities that our parents couldn’t see or hear, that we had
meaningful interactions with imaginary playmates that were real in our minds, and so on. And for the most part
people in modern cultures believe in God, and that entails belief in the spirit realm. The belief in spirits is a recurring
theme not only in primitive cultures but is pervasive across cultures from biblical times to the present. It seems to be
something hard-wired in human beings.
WHY THE TERM, “PRIMITIVE”?
There are still nooks and crannies of the world in which people live just as primitively as they did thousands of years
ago. We might refer to them as aboriginals, indigenous people, or natives, whether they occupy the hinterlands of
Papua New Guinea, rugged regions of Australia, remote islands of the Pacific, Arctic regions, the tundra of North
America, the equatorial villages of Africa, or the forests of South America. Some people are nomadic-their lives
consist of wandering through a desert or a forest, foraging for wild vegetables and fruits, and hunting for food,
perhaps raising livestock. Yes, we all inhabit the Earth, but there are vastly different sorts of environments that
people live in. Some groups find themselves in an environment where survival is relatively easy, as in the islands of
the Pacific with abundant fruit trees and easy fishing, while for those who live in the Arctic Circle, survival is a
constant challenge, and death by starvation not uncommon.
When you think of “primitive,” what comes to mind? Anthropologists who studied diverse cultures early in the 20th
century started using the term “primitive” in a derogatory sense, implying an inferior, uncivilized, wild people living
in isolated pockets of populations.
In my usage, the term “primitive” does not mean “inferior,” and is hardly intended in a derogatory sense. The
Oxford English Dictionary (Murray, Bradley, Craigie, & Onions, 1989), defines the word as follows: “first or
earliest of its kind”; “of or belonging to the first age, period, or stage; “pertaining to early times”; “applied to
behaviour or mental processes that apparently originate in unconscious needs or desires and have not been affected
by objective logical reasoning”; and as applied in anthropology, a trait that pertains “to a group, or to persons
comprising such groups, whose culture, through isolation, has remained at a simple level of social and economic
organization.” (vol. XII, pp. 483-484)
In addition, “primitive” is a term used to describe modern art of a certain genre; and “primitive” is used to describe
certain elegant mathematical formulas.
The term “primitive” seems appropriate because many of the traits we will discuss are simple, fundamental, and of
ancient origins, unadulterated by exposure to trends of the industrialized world. I use this term because it seems to
best contrast with the term “modern,” which often is associated with industrialized cultures and to many conjures up
a materialistic, mechanistic, unnatural, highly commercialized and dehumanized patterns of living.
Often enough, primitive people are indigenous or original people in a particular area. Many of these cultures predate
Christianity, and some were well underway before Egyptian dynastic times. It is estimated that there are at least 300
million indigenous people living in about 75 countries of the world, “from the Maori of New Zealand to the U’wa of
Columbia to pastoral nomads in the mountains of Afghanistan” (Cohan, 2001/2002, p. 136). However, not all
indigenous people are “primitive,” and in fact many, such as Native Americans and Australian aboriginals, have
become almost entirely acculturated to “modern” lifestyles, with the inevitable erosion of cultural traditions. True
primitive people tend to be socially isolated from the dominant culture, and usually preserve their traditional way of
life, despite pressures by the dominant culture.
Primitives, as indigenous people, are
those people and groups descended from original populations of a given country. Most definitions agree
that indigenous peoples descend from pre-colonial inhabitants, that they have a close connection to
traditional lands and other natural resources, and that they maintain a strong sense of cultural, social,
economic and linguistic identity. Indigenous peoples include native peoples, tribal peoples, aboriginals,
and “first nations” (Cohan, 2001/2002, p. 136).

22 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 22-28
Cultural Relativism
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 2
Abstract. There are tremendous variations in how people carry on their lives across cultures. All cultures have
some sort of system of “public morals” or norms or rules that provide a structure that guides behavior. Cultural
relativism holds that moral principles are relative, so that there is no such thing as a “one-size-fits-all” morality.
The forms under which good and evil appear are different. By coming to know the presuppositions of people, we
can better understand their moral perspective. We will discuss idea that, despite variations in behavior patterns
among cultures, there are certain basic moral concepts recognized by all peoples-e.g., respect for life and
property, some form of religious faith. All societies have some means of dealing with social outcasts, criminals,
cheats and the like. The dilemma of cultural relativism is whether it is appropriate to interfere with practices of
other cultures that we regard as morally repugnant. Today the activities within one culture can affect people in
other cultures-most notably in the arena of environmental pollution. People have a limit as to what sort of things
they will tolerate in other cultures. All nations condemn genocide, slave trade, torture, the use of human subjects
for experimentation, and summary execution. In studying diverse cultures we should keep an open mind in taking
in the practices that we might find offensive or repugnant or even barbaric. Change is particularly difficult when
cultures sincerely believe, as they do, that their moral practices are sound, well-founded and of fundamental
importance to their very identity as people.
THE DIVERSITY OF NORMS ACROSS CULTURES
Anthropology has learned that there are tremendous variations in how people carry on their lives across cultures.
This is one of the big things anthropology has “discovered” in the past century or so-that people often live with
unique or distinct norms that are at odds with those of other cultures.
All cultures have some sort of system of “public morals” which arise from standards developed by the people over
time. All of us share a common orientation and understanding of the “rules of the game.” These rules provide a
structure that guides our behavior, and which most of us do not easily question. These rules involve what a society
has come to deem appropriate for its flourishing and survival, and are handed down so that we learn what is
approved of by our community in early childhood. Any society that lacks a value system can easily break down.
We not only guide our own action with reference to these rules, but we learn that praise or blame is based on
compliance or deviation from those norms. If there is confusion in a community as to what norms of behavior apply,
this can lead to the disorganization, disintegration, and breakdown of values, leading to a transition and
establishment of a revised value system.
The term moral relativism (or ethical relativism) holds that moral principles are relative, so that there is no such
thing as a “one-size-fits-all” morality. Moral principles are not self-evident propositions that are truth assessable,
final or certain. Terms such as “right” and “good” are relative terms so that if I say “X is good,” that simply means
“My culture regards X as good.” A different culture might claim that “X is bad,” and this inconsistency is explained
simply by the idea that there is no objective truth in the matter.
Here is the essence of cultural relativism: The fact that diverse cultures have different solutions to moral dilemmas
makes it inappropriate to argue that a particular norm is good or bad for everyone. There is a wide diversity among
cultures in how human beings carry on in their relations with one another. While people of one culture might
disapprove of certain practices, in another culture these same practices might be morally approved. Jung (1933)
commented that
Primitive man is no less prompt than we are to value an ethical attitude. His good is just as good as ours,
and his evil is just as bad as ours. Only the forms under which good and evil appear are different; the
process of ethical judgement is the same (p. 147).
Jung (1933) further observed:

Cultural Relativism The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 23
the fact that the primary assumptions of archaic man differ essentially from ours-that he lives, if I may use
the expression, in a different world. Until we come to know his presuppositions, he is a riddle hard to
read, but when we know them, all is relatively simple. We might equally well say that primitive man
ceases to be a riddle when we have come to know our own presuppositions (p. 149).
Therefore, the validity of a moral code is context-dependent, and must be analyzed, if at all, with reference to the
distinct cultural backdrop of the particular culture. To make sense, statements about values must be linked to
specific circumstances of a culture-the myths that operate in the culture, the environment, long-held traditions with
obscure origins, and other factors.
People tend to regard their own patterns and customs as “good.” All cultures “regard that which contributes to the
need and survival of the group as good,” and there is no culture that does “not condemn conduct interfering with the
satisfaction of common needs and threatening the stability of social relations” (Ginsberg, 1953, p. 124).
There are often significant differences in the moral codes of different cultures. By moral codes I am referring to
obligatory norms that are binding on all people within the culture, which are not subject to human “discretion,” and
the violation of which the people regard to be sinful or immoral. Foster (1965) states that
[t]he members of every society share a common cognitive orientation which is, in effect, an unverbalized,
implicit understanding of the “rules of the game” of living imposed upon them by their social, natural and
supernatural universes. A cognitive orientation provides the members of the society it characterizes with
basic premises and assumptions normally neither recognized nor questioned which structure and guide
behavior (p. 293).
There are many contrasting moral codes among cultures. One broad divide can be seen is this: In the West,
according to Kantian morality, we must always act in such a way that we treat people (including ourselves) as ends
in themselves, never merely as a means. It is a kind of Golden Rule-treat others as you would want them to treat you
under like circumstances. Kant doesn’t argue that there is something wrong with treating people as a means-we do
this all the time-when we ask someone for traffic directions or make a purchase from a vendor, and thereby use the
other as a means to an end. We can’t live without treating each others as means-but Kant’s point is that we should
never treat others merely as a means. In other words the dignity of humanity requires that we treat each other with
respect, never that we treat others as “things.” And according to Kant, there are categorical imperatives, that is,
certain things are right or wrong absolutely-universally, under all circumstances.
This is in contrast to other cultures that think it is all right to treat people as a means to ends. For instance, the
Gahuku-Gama, and other tribes of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea, do not have a moral system that appeals to
abstract principles, but rather they emphasize the practical consequence of moral deviation. Morality is a means to
an end rather than an end in itself. That is, “If you don’t help others, others won’t help you” or “Give food to those
who visit you so they will think well of you.”
In that culture there are no “universal” norms; that is, injunctions against adultery, against lying, theft and slander
and murder are right or wrong, depending on the circumstances. In particular, one has no moral duties to people of
other tribes; it is justifiable to kill them, to steal from them and to seduce their women. And within the tribe, one’s
moral obligations to others are differentially apportioned depending on one’s social position and kinship ties. The
social context largely determines the moral character of a particular action.
Cultural variants appears to be commonplace not only among human cultures, but other species as well. Certain
behavioral variations among groups of animals apparently are due to the same sort of cultural variants that we
humans display. For example, primatologists have seen that there are important differences in behavior patterns
among various groups of chimpanzees in West and Central Africa, including the ways they fish for ants with a
probe, pound food with a stone, dance in the rain, and aim and throw stones.

24 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
ARE THERE CORE HUMAN VALUES?
Despite variations in behavior patterns among cultures, anthropologists have found there are certain basic moral
concepts recognized by all peoples. These are broad core values-e.g., “justice is a virtue,” or “murder is wrong,” or
“empathy is good.” The prevalence of these categories suggests that “behind the seemingly endless diversity of
cultural patterns there is a fundamental uniformity” (Linton, 1952, p. 646).
Boas (1962) observed that all cultures seem to hold that
it is the duty of every person [in one’s own society] to respect life, well-being and property of his fellows, and to
refrain from any action that may harm the group as a whole. All breaches of this code are threatened with social or
supernatural punishment (p. 225).
All cultures have some form of religious belief, and these beliefs invariably include rituals for worshipping of
specific deities, animals or natural phenomena, a system of prayers of petition for desired objectives, beliefs in the
immortality of the soul, of an afterlife, of offerings of praise and sacrifice, and of exoneration for sins. Perhaps the
biological fact that everyone must die drives cultures to devise explanations for life and death.
Every culture has its individual complexion, feel, and attitude, just like individual cities have their particular “feel,”
and companies and hierarchical organizations have their particular cultural feel. The “feel” in being part of IBM is
entirely different than being part of a Farming-Coop. But that does not mean that the separate entities subscribe to a
separate set of moral principals. It could be that they have divergent moral principles, but that is not entailed merely
because they have different ways of conducting business.
Cultural relativism recognizes that even though all cultures seem to share many core values, people of different
cultures will interpret and pursue these values in different ways. For example, all cultures regard justice to be a
virtue, and that just deserts are to be meted out in proportion to one’s offense, but there are different methods of
apportioning and meting out justice. Some cultures regard revenge to be an appropriate instance of justice. The
American Navahoes and cultures of the Middle East have endorsed an “eye for eye” system of justice, so that
exacting retribution by way of a precise form of “justice” means visiting upon a wrongdoer the same act for which
culpability was found. In former times murder and accidental killing were regarded with equal gravity so that, either
way, the wrongdoer was killed in retribution.
Even within the same culture-take the United States for instance-certain agreed upon human values may have no
precise, authoritative interpretation. The Supreme Court is often divided on the interpretation of some very
important core values-such as whether the facts of a case show unlawful discrimination, cruel or unusual
punishment, the violation of due process or the violation of other constitutional rights. Equally intelligent and
reasonable people can agree that freedom and democracy are core values, but there is never-ending political debate
as to what these ideas actually mean in practice.
The ways of dealing with society’s outcasts, the criminally accused, varies considerably across cultures and has
varied throughout civilized history. In Saudi Arabia the protocol for dealing with convicted thieves is to cut off their
right hand. In the West we impose a relatively small prison term, or probation, for first-time offenders. In the past,
criminal offenders were dealt with by torture, drawing and quartering, crucifixion, burning at the stake, and other
brutal measures. Today these practices are universally condemned. Still, in Somalia and other Muslim nations blood
revenge will be tolerated or even encouraged. For instance, it is not uncommon for people to have a public killing,
by stoning to death, of women-even girls-accused of adultery. Other cultures, such as the European Union, have
questioned whether the death penalty itself is ever morally permissible, however humanely it might be administered,
and have therefore abolished it. Even the mode of execution varies considerably across cultures that have the death
penalty, with hanging or stoning to death being practiced in Middle Eastern cultures, and lethal injection employed
in the United States.
The Isneg farmers of the Philippines regard people as cowards unless they exact full satisfaction for misdeeds
committed against themselves or their kin. Even if one’s own family member is a malefactor, people are expected to

Apollonian and Dionysian Cultures
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 29-36 29
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 3
Abstract. Ruth Benedict (1934) opened up a whole line of thinking regarding two types of culture: Apollinian
and Dionysian. Dionysian cultures exhibit certain extremes in behavior, and there is importance ascribed to
dreams and visions, also to self-fulfillment, self-expression, rights, liberties and individual accomplishment.
Moreover, the idea of escape from the five senses through altered states of consciousness, intoxication, torture,
self-mutilation, deprivation, etc. Dionysian cultures are imbued with magical thinking, i.e., the belief that
thoughts, words or actions have causal power. Dreams and visions are very important because they are thought to
contain messages from the spirit realm or direct visitations from ancestors. The contradiction in Dionysian
cultures is that they tend to be tenaciously tradition-bound-yet at the same time they seek to escape from
limitations through supernatural experiences, ecstatic trances, orgiastic ceremonies, and other excessive behavior
that, at least under everyday circumstances, would be frowned upon. Paradoxically Dionysian cultures celebrate
harmony and cooperation, and yet individuality, which at times can be a threat to unity.
Apollinian cultures, in contrast, embrace moderation, steadfastness, conservatism, conformity, measured
attitudes, precedent and tradition. There is distrust of individualism and emotionalism. Power comes from cult
membership, verbatim ritual, conformity, sobriety, suffering, self-denial, introvertism, and moderation.
INTRODUCTION
In her best selling book, Patterns of Culture (1934) Ruth Benedict introduced an idea that has had a profound impact
in the study of cultures. She opened up a whole line of analysis that, for the most part, divides cultures into two
camps: Dionysian and Apollonian.
DIONYSIAN EXTREMES
The majority of cultures, including much of the industrialized West, seem to be Dionysian. Personal, subjective
experiences, unlimited personal freedom, self-reliance, individualism, initiative, power and the tossing aside of
tradition are hallmarks of Dionysian cultures. A Dionysian seeks both an uninhibited, extravagant, passionate pursuit
of pleasure, even to excess, and at the same time, paradoxically, a transcendence of sensate experience into a higher
order of experience. Self-fulfillment, self-expression, rights, liberties and individual accomplishment are the
hallmark of a Dionysian culture. As we will see, there are paradoxes and contradictions among Dionysian people:
for instance, many primitive cultures are tenaciously tradition-bound, and the people do not deviate from norms that
have been around since time immemorial-yet at the same time they will engage in ceremonies in an effort to
transcend the here and now and behave in extravagant ways that, at least under everyday circumstances, would be
frowned upon.
America itself seems to be a Dionysian culture, with the emphasis on rugged individualism. According to Kirmayer
(2007),
To be a person is to be a unique individual. Each individual is autonomous and uniquely deserving of the
free pursuit of his or her own private goals. People are valued for how richly developed and articulated
their inner sense of self is and how strong and coherent their self-direction (p. 240).
In her discussion of Dionysian culture, Ruth Benedict (1934) borrows Nietzsche’s description, “the annihilation of
the ordinary bounds and limits of existence” (pp. 78-79). The Dionysian seeks to escape from the limitations
imposed upon by our five senses, to break through into a different order of experience, perhaps to attain supernatural
experiences such as ecstatic trances or union with god. Or the goal might be simply to gain a certain psychological
state of excess. The philosophy is, as William Blake described, that “the path of excess leads to the palace of
wisdom” (as quoted in Benedict, 1934, p. 79).
This breaking into supernatural experiences might be accomplished by excessive behavior such as drunkenness,
drug induced euphoria, frenzy in dance, or through the opposite of excess-self-denial, fasting, self-mutilation,

30 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
torture, or other extreme forms of deprivation. With either mode, we can break out of our ordinary sense experience
into a higher state of awareness.
Paradoxically, while individualism is a Dionysian trait, so is universal harmony. Nietzsche (1872/1967) points out:
... Nature which has become alienated, hostile, or subjugated, celebrates once more her reconciliation with
her lost son, man. Freely, earth proffers her gifts, and peacefully the beasts of prey of the rocks and desert
approach.... Now, with the gospel of universal harmony, each one feels himself not only united,
reconciled, and fused with his neighbor, but as one with him, as if the veil of maya had been torn aside
and were now merely fluttering in tatters before the mysterious primordial unity (§1).
DIONYSIAN DREAMS AND VISIONS
Dionysian cultures are imbued with magical thinking, i.e., the belief that thoughts, words or actions have causal
power. For the Dionysian, dreams and visions are very important because they are thought to contain messages from
the spirit realm or direct visitations from ancestors. In Dionysean cultures the dreamer interacts with an ancestor
who makes a vivid appearance as if in the flesh.
In the West, many of us, like primitives and like children, have a great deal of magical thinking going on in our daily
affairs.
As we will see in chapter 12 (“Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft”), magical thinking is a common and widespread
technique we use to cope with uncertainty, anxiety and the unknown. It is a way of exerting some sort of power in
situations where we feel powerless. In the West, as in primitive cultures, many of us take dreams to be serious
matters that invite our attention and analysis. Freud and Jung, among other psychoanalysts, have laid great
importance on dreams and how they intersect our conscious lives.
People in many Dionysian cultures do not discriminate between dreams and reality as we do in the West. They do
not draw distinctions between the validity of knowledge gained from ordinary sense experience and that obtained
from dreams, visions, from animals, from supernatural forces, and intuition. To the aboriginal people of Australia, a
dream is a real objective experience equivalent to the waking state, except that time and space are no longer
obstacles. The dreamer takes the information gained from dreams as having great importance.
In these cultures that regard dreams to be part of objective experience, if a man injures you in a dream, when you
awake you are justified in avenging yourself against him. Similarly, in Inuit culture if you dream that you have
committed an act of ill-will towards someone, you are obliged to apologize for the dreamed offense-because the
dream itself is thought to carry a certain power. If a dead man visits you in a dream this is taken to be proof of his
continued existence, and that he has come to you or that you have gone to visit him. According to Levy-Bruhl
(1926), among the Cherokees,
when a man dreams that he has been bitten by a snake, he must follow the same treatment as if he had
really been bitten, for it is a witch-snake that has done the injury, and if he did not, swelling and
ulceration would ensue, possibly even many years later (p. 57).
Among the Tanala of Madagascar and the Mohave Indians of the Southwest United States, people tend to not make
much distinction between dreams and “normal waking experiences” (Silverman, 1967). It is not uncommon for
people to have intense self-absorbed states that are similar to the initiation phase that many shamans go through, in
which the individual’s awareness is now that of a twilight state between waking and dreaming: his facial expression
is that of absorption in ecstatic inner experiences, and his behavior is peculiar to the degree that he no longer eats or
sleeps, or tends to any of the routines of life (Sullivan, 1953, p. 133).
Carl Jung suggested that waking and dreaming states are part of a seamless continuum, with no clear boundary. He
suggested that primitives do not distinguish between inner and outer experiences. To the primitive, “the world is a
more or less fluid phenomenon within the stream of his own fantasy, where subject and object are undifferentiated
and in a state of mutual interpenetration.” According to Jung (1953), the “outside”

Apollonian and Dionysian Cultures The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 31
has an a priori structure of its own that antedates all conscious experience. It is quite impossible to
conceive how “experience” in the widest sense, or, for that matter, anything psychic, could originate
exclusively in the outside world. The psyche is part of the inmost mystery of life, and it has its own
peculiar structure and form like every other organism. Whether this psychic structure and its elements, the
archetypes, ever “originated” at all is a metaphysical question and therefore unanswerable (p. 39).
We know very little about the phenomenon of dreams, despite over a century of psychoanalytic and neurological
research into the subject. Have you ever had a dream that seemed like, or turned out to be, a premonition? Have you
ever had a dream that helped solve a problem that you were unable to solve the day before? Have you had dreams in
which you vividly felt you were being visited by dead ancestors? To primitives, these sort of dream experiences are
normal and expected parts of their lives.
DIONYSIAN SELF-MUTILATION OR TORTURE
One of the main traits of the Dionysian, according to Benedict (1934), is to “escape from the boundaries imposed on
him by his five senses, to break through into another order of experience” (p. 79). One way of inducing an altered
state of consciousness is to seek out various types of deprivation, torture and other ordeals. These can be a means
towards breaking through the boundaries of ordinary experience to attain altered states of consciousness (Another
way, intoxication, is discussed below).
Many of the American Indian tribes practiced self-mutilation and various forms of self-torture as a mode of gaining
visions and hence getting in touch with their guardian spirits. There might be cutting off of finger joints, cutting of
strips of skin from arms and legs and other means in obtaining the vision. In village tribes it was not possible to
discover a single man advanced in years who had his full number of fingers. The torture is sometimes part of the
Sun Dance or other sun rituals. One might feed the sun with coin-shaped bits cut from one’s flesh. The central point
of all this was a vision quest.
The Dionysian mode of mortification of the flesh and other austerities helps one turn away from deriving any
pleasure from the gross body, to attain a union with God and the graces that go with that. For some in the East that
might mean release from the necessity of rebirth. Or, the individual might simply gain energy from some universal
store and thereby be strengthened.
An example of self-torture to induce an altered state of consciousness is seen among the Plains tribes of North
America. According to Jilek (1982),
Younger braves would propitiate supernatural agencies by the sacrifice of their pain and at the same time
obtain individual spirit powers as well as the recognition of their fellow tribesmen. The devotee’s skin
was pierced with sharp skewers at breast, shoulders, or back, and fastened by strong thongs to the center
pole or to buffalo skulls. For many hours he would then dance while leaning back, his weight hanging at
the pole, or, if attached to buffalo skulls, he would drag them around the entire camp circle. Among the
Oglala Sioux, the prestige of a man depended on his having undergone the tortures of the Sun Dance and
possessing the scars to prove it (p. 333).
In Greek mythology, Dionysus was torn to pieces as a boy by the Titans and then was worshiped in this state as
Zagreus. Nietzsche (1872/1967) says: “In this existence as a dismembered god, Dionysus possesses the dual nature
of a cruel, barbarized demon and a mild, gentle ruler.” (§ 10)
In India for ages there have been many full-time ascetics, imposing on themselves penance in the form of intense
suffering, self-torture to a degree seen nowhere else, as a way of honoring the gods, or in return for some favor, or to
acquire merit. All over India one sees men establishing themselves under trees and, by some act of severe penanceattracting
many onlookers. Penitents will bury themselves in a standing position until only the head remains above
ground; or walk on iron spikes; or dance and carry a kavadi on the shoulder (a heavy decorated frame of wood); or
roll in the dust and rocks in the intense heat of the day.
Other extreme modes observed in India include holding an arm upright for years until the tissues wither and it
becomes impossible ever again to bring the arm into a normal position; walking for long distances on sharp spikes;

PART II. PRIMITIVE BELIEFS, PRACTICES AND RITUALS

Mana
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 37-48 37
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 4
Abstract. The idea of mana permeates the customs of many cultures, including modern cultures. Mana provides
the theoretical basis for such beliefs as animism, totemism, witchcraft, and sorcery. Mana is the means by which
power is transmitted from one being to another. It means, roughly speaking, power, but a force altogether distinct
from physical power-a power associated with a spirit, a totemic ancestor, or other supernatural agency. All things
are thought to possess a “vital essence” that can be transferred by contact. Mana is thought to be expressed most
notably through thoughts and words, and this is evident in shamanic healing, folk medicine, or simply prayer
intended for healing. The conviction of a person uttering an incantation is thought to be an element relating to the
efficacy of a prayer, curse or ritual. There is widespread belief that mana subsists in names, as well as in artifacts,
tools and weapons. A club or spear of a great warrior, for example, is the abode of powerful mana. Objects such
as amulets and charms are thought to be imbued with mana, either intrinsically, or after being consecrated for
certain purposes, usually for the purpose of averting evil or to secure good fortune.
WHAT IS MANA?
The mystical orientation of primitive cultures attributes the success or failure of things to unseen powers. In order to
understand primitive ways of thinking, a good starting point is the concept of mana. The idea of mana permeates the
customs and practices of many cultures, in many ways, and as we will see it is is evident in modern cultures as well.
Mana provides the theoretical basis for such beliefs as animism, totemism, witchcraft, and sorcery. Mana is the
means by which power is transmitted from one being to another, from one soul to another, from a sacred space to the
people around it, and so forth. Mana is the means in which magic has causal efficacy.
Mana means melesian psysis or phyo, “to bring forth.” It is also thought to be derived from a Maori term. It is
difficult to find English equivalents. It means, roughly speaking, power. It is equivalent to the New Testament
pneuma, or Holy Spirit or Holy Ghost.
The term “manna” in the Bible is a different word, but some like to link the two terms. “Manna” was the miraculous
food that God gave the Israelites. Psalm 78:24 begins, “And he rained down on them manna to eat” (English
Standard Version).
The anthropologist R. H. Codrington (1891) has this description of mana:
There is a belief in a force altogether distinct from physical power, which acts in all kinds of ways for
good and evil, and which it is of the greatest advantage to possess or control. This is mana... It is a power
or influence, not physical, and in a way supernatural; but it shows itself in physical force, or in any kind
of power or excellence which a man possesses (pp. 118-120).
Further, mana is
not fixed in anything, and can be conveyed in almost anything. It works to affect everything which is
beyond the ordinary power of men, outside the common processes of nature, it is present in the
atmosphere of life, attaches itself to persons and to things, and is manifested by results which can only be
ascribed to its operation (Codrington, 1891, p. 119).
Codrington (1891) also describes mana as
that invisible power which is believed by the natives to cause all such effects as transcend the regular
course of nature, and to reside in spiritual beings, whether in the spiritual part of living men or in the
ghosts of the dead, being imparted by them to their names and to various things that belong to them (p.
191).

38 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Codrington (1891) adds:
If a man has been successful in fighting, it has not been his natural strength of aim, quickness of eye, or
readiness of resource that has won success; he has certainly got the mana of a spirit or of some deceased
warrior to empower him, conveyed in an amulet of stone around his neck, or a tuft of leaves in his belt, in
a tooth hung from a finger of his bow hand, or in a form of words with which he brings supernatural
assistance to his side. If a man’s pigs multiply, and his gardens are productive, it is not because he is
industrious and looks after his property, but because of the stones full of mana for pigs and yams that he
possesses. Of course a yam naturally grows when planted, that is well known, but it will not be very large
unless mana comes into play; a canoe will not be swift unless mana be brought to bear upon it, a net will
not catch many fish, nor an arrow inflict a mortal wound (p. 120).
Thus, mana is a supernatural power associated with a spirit, a totemic ancestor, a personality, or anything that is
strong, powerful or dangerous in a ritual sense. Mana is thought of as “both a force and a material substance that can
be localized; it is also spiritual-a sort of conglomerate power of force, soul, and substance in one. It is the essential
nature, the influence, the potency of things in purest form” (Nemeroff & Rozin, 1994, pp. 159-160). It is a force
field, a field of energy.
Schwimmer (1963) found that to the indigenous Maori people, mana was “A powerful thing in the olden days-you
could do nothing without it” (p. 398). He further states that mana is regarded as “[a] sort of will-power,” and that the
“people who have it think no one can question them or discuss any matter concerning their lives or background” (p.
398).
Things of all kinds are thought to contain and emanate mana. The mana in an object is what will provide optimal
utility. According to Mauss (1902/1971), mana is “what causes the net to bring in a good catch... and keeps the
canoe sailing smoothly. In the farms it is fertility; on an arrow it is the substance which kills” (p. 111).
Mageo (1991) argues that mana, exerting a kind of magical power, is said to be similar to electricity in its effects:
When a person with little mana comes in contact with one who has great mana, some of the charge is
drained from the more highly charged member of the interaction and transferred to the lesser member.
The lesser member becomes overcharged and, therefore, sick, even unto death (p. 361).
Mana implies that people “transfer” some of their “vital essence” to anything they hold or come into contact with,
whether clothing they wear, gardens they work in, or children they raise (Nemeroff & Rozin, 1994, p. 159). A stark
example of how strong the belief in mana is is seen among the Hindus in India, where the lowest cast, the
“untouchables,” are literally thought to be so inferior to other classes that contact between them and anyone of a
higher cast will defile the latter. Another example is seen in families where a close kin has committed a heinous
crime, such as serial murder. The family members and their offspring are thought to be polluted, shunned by others
because they somehow “carry” the same “essence” of their infamous kin.
Some people have especially strong force fields, others not. Shamans, witch-doctors, charismatic leaders, and ghosts
are, among other entities, strong bearers of mana. Sometimes mana is used to describe a person’s power or charisma.
Schwimmer (1963) offers this example:
The fisherman who catches fish has mana, because success in fishing is essentially uncertain. The soldier
who wins a victory, the witchdoctor who cures a patient are all, in their own spheres, prevailing over a
fateful hazard (p. 398).
All things, all creatures, are imbued with mana, in varying degrees. It is hard to generalize, but some people, such as
shamans, have more mana than other people. Sacred objects or places have more mana than ordinary objects or
places. Intuitively, in modern society we tend to place a “premium” or special value on goods and artifacts that are
made in exotic places, as if “marked by the inalienable qualities associated with their unusual places or sources of
origin” (Helms, 1993, p. 99).

Mana The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 39
In primitive cultures it is thought that people’s mana can be retained or increased, and also lost if they transgress
certain norms. “...[I]t is hard to be a man with mana. Maintaining it in all circumstances is a constant strain” (Helms,
1993, p. 99). Many primitives are fearful of photography because the picture could capture the individual’s soul-force.
The idea of mana seems intuitive. Anyone-and that is most of us-who can sense an “energy field” or “force field”
that other people give off is sensing mana. Our energy field or “aura” seems to extend quite a distance. In public
places there is a lot of energy intersecting, and that helps explain why one feels exhausted after visiting crowded
public places.
If you believe in prayer or ESP-you must also believe in mana.
ESP or thought transference takes into account the idea that thoughts are mana that have an effect at a distance. Even
Freud (1933) thought that psychic phenomena such as telepathy was a real perception:
Naturally not all cases have equal evidential value, nor in all cases is it equally possible to rule out more
rational explanations; but taking all the evidence together there remains a heavy weight of probability in
favour of the reality of thought-transference (p. 63).
Mana helps explain how thoughts made in prayer are conveyed from the supplicant’s mind to the intended god or
gods.
If you believe that certain objects-such as heirlooms in your family or objects owned by a deceased person you
loved, or objects owned by famous people-have a special feel or a special value, you must believe in mana. When
we touch objects we impart some of our own mana into the objects, thus making them a kind of extension or
embodiment of ourselves. If one loses something there often is a deep sense of grief above and beyond the material
value involved. Some people are “packrats” or compulsive hoarders and can’t part with anything in their home, not
even letters, receipts, bills or old medication, due to some strange inexplicable sentimental attachment. Sometimes
people hoard things for fear that something bad will happen if possessions are discarded. Perhaps this can be
explained because their own mana, their essence, and those of loved ones, impregnates these objects. The objects
take on a life, a vitality, from the mana that has been absorbed in them. One is thus reluctant to throw them away, for
they contain the life force of oneself or others. One identifies with these objects. Even the most neglected object has
an intrinsic dignity of its own, so that it would be “murder” to throw it in the trash.
In modern society, when a loved one dies we tend to want to cherish things that belonged to that person. The
personal effects of the deceased become treasured items because they are imbued with the mana of the deceased.
Thus, mana helps to explain why we attach great sentimental value to family heirlooms that, in and of themselves,
might have have little intrinsic worth. The fact that an heirloom was worn by one’s grandmother, even if it is an
ordinary ring of little value, makes it special in terms of the energy it contains.
Perhaps a touching example of the special value associated with objects owned by the deceased involves a slain
marine’s parents, who adopted a military dog wounded in Iraq in the same rocket attack that killed their son. The
family adopted the bomb-sniffing German shepherd named Lex who was granted early retirement. The soldier’s
mother said she believed that her son’s spirit would live on through the dog because of their close bond and because
they were together during the final moments of her son’s life. “It was blood on blood. We can’t get Dustin back, but
we have Lex” (Associated Press, 2007).
Another example of mana in modern society is that people everywhere think that something bearing the autograph
of a famous person somehow has unique intrinsic value. The same can be said of clothing, furnishings and other
objects owned by famous people. Such objects command premium prices at auctions, particularly if the person has
died. By the way, this is true whether the individual is famous or infamous-whether a Hitler or a Michael Jackson-in
either case the property becomes more valuable after the person dies.
Perhaps mana helps explain why some people get homesick when they are away. Everyone has at one time or
another experienced being homesick. It is a situation where one is away from home and feels listless, unhappy,

Animism
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 49-75 49
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 5
Abstract. The idea behind animism takes mana one step further and proposes that all of nature is animated, that
is, imbued with consciousness, or with life, that all phenomena of nature, including rocks, caves, mountains rain,
thunder, lightning, stars, etc., are imbued with a life essence or soul. Animism is a kind of environmental
philosophy-that not only are people to be respected, but all of creation must be respected. A good deal of the
ceremonies as well as practical guidance in primitive cultures pertain to communication with the spirits of
animals, of plants, and of objects of nature. Many modern day superstitions are animistic in orientation (e.g., if a
black cat crosses your path, this means bad luck). Soothsayers, medicine men, and fortune-tellers use animistic
means to forecast the future (e.g., interpreting signs from the clouds or the cries of animals). Animism accounts
for the reverence accorded animals in many cultures (e.g., tuna reverence, bear reverence, totemic protection of
certain animal species). People of all cultures will talk to their plants to influence their growth. Indigenous
populations have great attachment and reverence to their land, which they believe have sacred properties and
healing energies. Even idols and figureheads on ships are thought to possess protective and communicative
powers (e.g., touching or kissing the statute will impart a certain blessing). Sacred ceremonial objects, such as the
shaman’s drum, are thought to be potent vehicles for connecting between the human and spirit worlds. Children
of all cultures are particularly prone towards animistic beliefs and practices (e.g., endowing personality to dolls,
attributing consciousness to other inanimate objects). The idea of artificial intelligence borrows animistic ideas.
INTRODUCTION
Primitive cultures all over the world have one main thing in common: They believe that there is a mutual
involvement of God and nature. “Sky and god, rain and deity are somehow together, aspects of the same thing”
(Redfield, 1953, p. 102).
The idea behind animism is that a “vital force” or mana permeates all nature, a topic we discussed in chapter 4.
Animism is associated with mana but goes one step further. It holds that everything is animated, that is, imbued with
consciousness, or with life. The concept of mana, standing alone, simply pertains to the idea that everything emits
energy.
Animism takes the view that all things are conscious-living beings in their own right-whether human, animal, plant
or mineral-they are all qualitatively equivalent. All phenomena of nature, including rocks, caves, mountains rain,
thunder, lightning, stars, etc. are imbued with a life essence or soul. The word “animism” is used because of the idea
that all reality is animate, or alive.
In animistic cultures human traits are attributed to all types of phenomena. These traits include self-consciousness,
language, imagination, thinking, symbolic thought, feelings, and other features that in the West we think are unique
to human beings.
Animism is a kind of environmental philosophy-that not only are people to be respected, but all of creation must be
respected because all things are connected or engaged with one another, and there is a shared content, or
commonality, of experience among all things.
Animism holds that people are informed or communicated to by animals, plants, objects and places by spirits that
are capable of separate existence. This is referred to as hyperphysical animism (Read, 1915, p. 7). A good deal of the
ceremonies in primitive cultures pertain to communication with the spirits of animals, of plants, and of objects of
nature. According to Telban (1991):
Almost any unusual event may be attributed to spirits, such as the creaking of a house floor, the sound of
unknown voices or unfamiliar noises, the shaking of a canoe, or a glimmer of light in the bush at night. If men
are fishing at night and a torch bulb burns out they will say it is because a spirit looked at the torch (p. 172).
Even comets, lightning and other occurrences are thought to bear messages to the people-some sort of divine
communication or prophesy. In modern society we, too, often regard comets and other unusual occurrences in nature

50 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
as bearing prophetic messages or warnings to us, and it is quite common for us to talk to their dogs or cats or other
animals. Lott and Hart (1977) assert:
Man is one of the few species to enter into an extended and complex social relationship with other
species. In some instances, such as the shepherd with his dog and the cowboy with his horse, this may
involve staking his well-being, and even his life, on the success of a close social relationship with
members of another species (p. 174).
People in primitive cultures have a remarkable and thoroughgoing practical knowledge of the life, origin, habits,
behavior, capacities, and structure of animals in their environment. They can point out individual plants or trees or
birds and ascribe certain traits to them. Animals are thought to have the same sort of vitality, consciousness and will
to survive as do human beings. They are thought to have a language of their own and can understand what human
beings are saying and doing. They live a life that is parallel in many respects to that of human societies.
The modern environmental movement is in large part animistic, with concerns that we have lost touch with how
connected we are to the Earth:
For a long time now, we have been unable to remember our former closeness with the Earth. Due to this
amnesia, the ecological problems now thrust upon us have come as a shock.... We notice the emergence
of an amnesia that is really a double forgetting, wherein a culture forgets, and then forgets it has forgotten
how to live in harmony with the planet (Devereux, Steele & Kubrin, 1989, pp. 2-3).
Animism goes hand in hand with totemism, which we will discuss in the next chapter. Many cultures associate their
own identity with certain animals or plants-their totems.
PHILOSOPHICAL, RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC GROUNDING OF ANIMISM
Animism takes into account the reality that life is difficult to define, the criteria of what constitutes life is far from
certain, and the difference between living and nonliving entities is hard to make out. As a matter of fact, scientists
cannot define life, so that there “may not be an absolutely rigorous distinction between inanimate matter and matter
in a living state” (Sebeck, 1988, p. 72). Aristotle said: “Nature proceeds little by little from inanimate things to
living creatures, in such a way that we are unable, in the continuous sequence, to determine the boundary line...” (as
quoted in Lloyd, 1966, p. 258).
Quantum physicist David Bohm says:
Dividing the universe up into living and non-living things has no meaning. Animate and inanimate matter
are inseparably interwoven and life, too, is enfolded throughout the totality of the universe. Even a rock is
in some way alive,... for life and intelligence are present not only in all of matter, but in “energy,”
“space,” “time,” the fabric of the entire universe (as quoted in Talbot, 1991, p. 50).
A central feature of animism is the idea that the soul is not unique to humans. What constitutes the soul and why in
principle souls should be the exclusive province of human beings are deep philosophical questions. The idea of a
soul is that we possess, at the same time of having a material body, an intangible and insensible spark of life-a
unique identity-perhaps capable of a separate existence from the body. The soul might be thought of as an ethereal
aspect or counterpart of our bodies, but more permanent than bodies, perhaps eternal. Warneck comments that the
soul is “an elixir of life, a life-stuff, which is found everywhere in nature” (as quoted in Chapman, 1921, p. 298).
Usually primitives believe in the preexistence of souls, the future existence of souls, the existence of souls in the
lower animals and in inanimate objects, in the power of one soul to affect another, and particularly the power of the
spirit of one who has recently died to attract to itself the spirits of the living.
The ancient Greek philosopher, Thales, held that “all things are full of gods,” and that magnets and amber have
souls (as quoted in Lloyd, 1966, pp. 233-234). Heraclitus thought that fire was alive, that it made human souls
(Lloyd, 1966, p. 237). Plato thought that the world, the sun, stars and planets are living creatures with souls (Lloyd,
1966, pp. 254, 257).

Animism The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 51
It is not entirely clear how we can be sure that other species do not have parallel workings of their brains with
features we think are unique to us, such as self-consciousness, that is, an indubitable sense that we exist, an
awareness of ourselves, of what we perceive and think. Adler (1967) observes:
... I would say that if man differs only in degree from other animals, then a sharp line cannot be drawn to
separate the world of persons from the world of things; in fact, the distinction between person and thing
becomes meaningless or at best arbitrary if there are only differences in degree, since that distinction is
either a distinction in kind or no distinction at all (p. 257).
We are, after all, animals along with other animal species. We share some of the same traits with the animal nature
of other creatures such as states of fear, aggression and sociability, to name only a few. Harvey (2005) asserts:
...[T]here is plenty of scientifically acceptable evidence of consciousness in animals. For example, some
primates and some birds (New Caledonian crows at least) use tools; bees think, buffaloes play, and
dolphins get depressed; birds not only sing to define territories and alert potential mates or opponents of
their presence, they enjoy singing. In short, ethologists recognise the cognitive competence of a wide
range of other-than-human persons (p. 188).
We can learn more about what features are unique or special to ourselves by understanding the characteristics and
capacities that we share with other animals. This approach was called conciliance by the l9th century philosopher of
science William Whewell, and it means the melding of inferences drawn from separate subjects or discipline
(Wilson, 1971). We know, according to the theory of evolution, that we are linked to all other animals because we
have emerged from other species in the course of evolution. We share common characteristics of animal nature with
other species in virtue of common evolutionary origins-particularly with the other primates. Indeed, we share traits
common to all life forms, both plant and animal, even microbes. Each life form is a system or entity with parts that
have a function towards supporting the system in its persistence in life, taking in energy, secreting waste products,
reproducing, passing on DNA, growth, and decay.
Among other things, we share the following traits with many of the higher order animals: (1) instinct or intuitioninnate
tendencies, desires, pushings, motivations; (2) desire for persisting in one’s own state, i.e., self-preservationthe
conatus principle; (3) looking for sex and other kinds of excitement; (4) fearing and fighting against the
unknown that threatens to upset or destroy ourselves.
Powell (2004) relegates animism to a kind of “indeterminate energy” (p. 85). Powell takes the view that there is a
process flowing throughout nature that he calls “natural intelligence” (Powell, 2004, p. 49). He claims natural
intelligence is “the deliberate and purposeful movement of matter into energy and then back into matter,” a process
that underlies all of life (Powell, 2004, p. 49).
The connectedness of things in nature is reflected in the phenomenon that physicists call “quantum entanglement
born of a singular wave function” or “nonlocality.” In this phenomenon, two photons are created together and travel
away from each other at the speed of light, but despite their separation, anything that happens to one of them affects
the other. In other words, two quanta of light, given off from a single source and traveling at the speed of light in
opposite directions, can maintain their connection to one another. These photons are affected by what happens to
their “twins” at a distance. Thus, the idea of separation in space and time is an illusion, so that spatially separate
events are not independent, but connected. Scientists have concluded that “The essential features of the implicate
order are that the whole universe is in some way enfolded in everything, and that each thing is enfolded in the
whole” (Bohm & Hiley, 1993, p. 382).
This is precisely what Leibniz (1686/1902) postulated in his theory of Monads and Pre-established Harmony, in
which each Monad contains information about every other point in space-time. What happens to one substance in a
sense may be viewed as the cause of what happens in another. God, in creating things to perform particular actions
at given times, creates all other things in such a way as to reflect that action at that time. All things are related in
some way to every other. Each created Monad represents the whole universe. Leibniz (1686/1902) said: “The action
of one finite substance on another consists only in the increase of the degree of expression together with the
diminution of the expression of the other, insofar as God requires them to accommodate themselves to one another.”

76 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 76-82
Totemism
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 6
Abstract. In this chapter we discuss the concept of totemism. Totems are animals, plants or natural phenomena (a
mountain, stream, volcano, etc.) which which a group will identify. Tribes often believe they are literally
descended from their totems. The totem might be regarded as a guardian, helpmate, or a source of strength to the
people. Often a people’s mythology will attribute special qualities to totemic animals-e.g., that they possessed
remarkable powers which transformed chaos of the universe into order. Some totems reflect the economic and
social importance of the objects concerned-e.g., the sea might be the totem. Totems are objects of reverence and
fear-the totem is subject to rituals and taboos, violation of which has dire and immediate consequences. Usually
the totemic species cannot be killed or eaten, except for communion-type ceremonies. For instance, for many
aborigines in Australia, the kangaroo or iguana is their totem. Totemic beliefs reveal a peoples’ philosophy of
life, their morals, their spirituality. In modern cultures totems are seen in flags and mascots. Modern society
embraces totemism in many ways-e.g., national flags, mascots for sports teams, and the tendency of people to
think of their homeland in endearing, reverential terms.
TOTEMS AND ANIMISTIC CULTURES
Totems are prevalent in animistic cultures, and are a particular expression of the people’s kinship with the
environment. A totem is usually an important animal, plant, natural phenomenon (such as lightning or fire), a natural
resource (such as a lake or a mountain) or even some artifact (such as a canoe) that people in a given culture believe
has a special effect on the people’s economic dependency and spiritual wellbeing.
For instance, for many aborigines in Australia, the kangaroo or iguana is their totem. For others, the digging stick,
the spear, or fire constitutes their totem. For others, antithetical forces of nature, such as lightning, evil spirits, or
even mosquitoes constitute totems.
Totemism provides a means of preserving continuity with the past and providing confidence for the future.
Understanding the totem of a culture is important because it is thoroughly intertwined with the people’s lives. A
totemic institution reveals the people’s philosophy of life, their nature and morals, and what spiritually controls their
outlook and action.
The totem might be regarded as a guardian, helpmate, or a source of strength to the people. It could be a cultural
hero of the people, or might be associated with a definite area of tribal territory (such as a stream that marks the
boundary of the tribe).
A totem could get established when people, united by blood or by a community of traditions, start to identify
themselves with some animal, plant or thing. This develops over time as a culture hands down mythological stories
about its origins. Individuals in the village might come to be identified with certain animals in the neighborhood.
Here is how Jung (1933) illustrates the role totems play in various cultures:
A white man shoots a crocodile. At once a crowd of people come running from the nearest village and
excitedly demand compensation. They explain that the crocodile was a certain old woman in their village
who had died at the moment when the shot was fired. The crocodile was obviously her bush-soul.
Another man shot a leopard that was lying in wait for his cattle. Just then a woman died in a neighbouring
village. She and the leopard were one and the same (p. 162).
Of course, in our culture we might refer to someone as an “ass” or some other animal, but we mean this as metaphor.
But in primitive cultures this is not a figure of speech, but really means that the person is in every respect the animal
in question.
Often a people’s mythology will attribute special qualities to totemic animals-that they possessed remarkable powers
which transformed chaos of the universe into order; or that they performed other superhuman feats. For instance,

Totemism The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 77
some Australian aborigines believe that the river courses were carved out by the rainbow snake, which they hold as
their totem.
The people will identity with the totem symbolically, if not literally. If literally, the people will believe that they are
related to or descended from the totemic animal, and the group might even be named after the totemic species.
The Bororo of Brazil have the parrot for their totem. T. S. Eliot (1916) offered that these people do not regard their
relationship to the parrot as
a merely mythological kinship or participation in qualities; nor is the savage deluded into thinking that he
is a parrot. In practical life, the Bororo never confuses himself with a parrot, nor is he so sophisticated as
to think that black is white. But he is capable of a state of mind into which we cannot put ourselves, in
which he is a parrot, while being at the same time a man. In other word, the mystical mentality, though at
a low level, plays a much greater part in the daily life of the savage than in that of the civilized man (p.
116).
The people will adopt a ritual attitude towards the totem. They will hold the totem in reverential awe. There will be a
set of taboos and rituals related to the totem. Primitive cultures usually have a wide range of taboos, such as the men
avoiding menstruating women, or fasting and abstaining from sex before going on an important hunt, or in some
cultures men avoiding any contact with their mother-in-laws or even avoidance of their own sisters-apparently in order
to avert occasions of incest. But there are always special taboos associated with totems because of their sacredness.
In most instances, since powerful spirits may be represented, the totemic species cannot be killed, eaten or touchedexcept
in communion type rituals in which the totem, if an animal, is sacrificed and partaken of by the entire
community. The animal that is eaten produces an effect on the people corresponding to the qualities of the particular
animal.
Sometimes there isn’t a food taboo: For instance, the Tikopia people have yam, taro, coconut and breadfruit as
totems representing their leading clan gods. But in everyday life the people eat these foods with little restrictions.
The totemic animal or plant may be one that the people wish to control as a staple of their diet, in which case the
totem is revered but not taboo, for it is an important part of the tribal food supply,
The people do not violate taboos for fear of automatic repercussions from the animal that is taboo or the situation itself.
Alternatively, violation of a taboo could be punished indirectly by angry ancestors, spirits or the forces of the sacred.
In addition to punishment for violation of a taboo, there is the custom, discussed by Freud in Totem and Taboo, that
the person who violates a taboo himself becomes taboo. Many cultures impose various isolation protocols until the
contamination is removed by purification rites or other oblations.
Freud also noted that one who violates a taboo might be thought of as a “tempter”-i.e., other people might be
tempted to violate the taboo if the culprit is not dealt with severely. The same psychology is apparent today
whenever someone violates the law, for instance, the idea of copycat crimes, in which an initial incident that gets
highly publicized may precipitate others to do the same thing.
Sometimes totems are dangerous or disagreeable animals that the people admire or fear, or that the people think of
as having a special power that they wish to emulate-e.g., crocodiles. Some cultures have as totems flies or
mosquitoes, which are associated with heavy rainfall, which the people desire to see at certain times of the year.
Flies and mosquitoes are taken as signs of the desired weather (Levi-Strauss, 1963, p. 64).
Totems might be certain stars in the sky that remind the people of their ancestral heroes in “heavenly” forms, and the
history, sanctions and ideals of the tribe.
Some totems reflect the economic and social importance of the objects concerned rather than some sort of mythical
story about the origin of the people. The sea might be the totem, for instance, reflecting that the people derive much

78 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
of their food from the sea. Or fire itself might be the totem, signifying the importance of fire for cooking and
providing warmth, and as being almost the center of social life for people who seldom sit down in a group to talk,
rest or sing without a fire in their midst. Or, the totem might be “increase sites” at which the people perform rites for
the increase of certain species. The site might be an unusual rock, a creek, or a curious hole in the ground, sanctified
by their mythology. These are sacred sites, home to certain spirits of natural species or phenomena. When the people
visit these sites they are deeply affected, reacting with reverence, awe and faith. They perform prescribed rites so
that the spirits of the place will go out, causing the relevant species to increase. Or, the site might be the official
place where the “weather-doctor” brings increase to the rain, or the site might be a place where certain life-power is
thought to dwell that brings good health to the people.
The tribe might have numerous such totems, each site representing a specific animal species that the people value
and at which they perform rites to insure abundance of supply of those species. And in performing these rites the
people have the firm conviction that the rites will produce results, so that even in times of famine, good times will
come again.
Sometimes a specific, individual animal will be totemic guardian-a real living animal that the people of a clan regard
as an ancestor who, transformed into an animal, helps them. For example, Schwimmer (1963) points out that some
of the Maori people of New Zealand revered a shark that, in the 1960s, was still seen in one of the northern harbors.
The shark was said to have come about when a still-born child was thrown into the water; the child then turned into
the shark. The shark, named Tautahi, was guardian of the fish and shellfish in the harbor, and would punish people
who violate taboos. The shark was said to be responsible for the disappearance of a child who was playing along the
water and who had violated some taboo. The Maori have other guardian animals-for instance, many families believe
that a specific bird, particularly an owl, is their guardian animal. If the owl screeches or flies ahead on the road, that
is to give a sign of danger. A stingray is guardian of a cemetery at one of the beaches. And there are other examples
(Schwimmer, 1963, pp. 402-403).
Totems are usually animals, but as mentioned can also be plants or natural objects such as the sea, fire, a mountain,
etc. A totem might be conceived as both human and animal.
In various cultures of Oceania, the people believe that in order to produce yams one must observe various taboos,
including abstinence from sex and certain foods. Yams will not grow if anyone in the village fails to observe the
taboos. Thus, yams can be ruined if a stranger who has failed to keep the taboos enters the garden, or if the grower
eats foods prepared by his wife who has been engaging in an adulterous affair. A crop failure can lead to a “witch
hunt” to discover who was responsible for the failure.
Animals, by their larger affinity with human beings, rank first as totems, for, as pointed out by Malinowski (1925):
...[T]hey move, utter sounds, manifest emotions, have bodies and faces like him-and by their superior
powers-the birds fly in the open, the fishes can swim under water, reptiles renew their skins and their life
and can disappear in the earth-by all this the animal, the intermediate link between man and nature, often
his superior in strength, agility, and cunning, usually his indispensable quarry, assumes an exceptional
place in the savage’s view of the world (p. 44).
The totemic animal is cherished, and thought of as a member of the clan just as much as its human members. As
alluded to above, usually, but not always, it is prohibited to kill or eat the totemic animal. In such communities, if
perchance a totemic animal should be killed or found dead, its remains are carefully gathered up and buried with all
the ceremony attached to the burial of a human member of the community. But even where eating the animal is
taboo, the people will usually have periodic rites in which the animal is sacrificed, cooked and eaten, as a means of
attaining communion with the spirits of the totem.
In totemic systems where there is no taboo on eating the totemic animal or plant, the people will have certain rituals
to increase the abundance of the species. Each group is charged with the responsibility of ensuring the fecundity and
plentifulness of their totemic species. In Australia some aboriginals, “kangaroo men” of the Aranda people, come
together at a secret stone and spill their blood on it so that the spirits of the kangaroos can be released from the rock
and there will be plenty to hunt.

Hunting and Cultivation Rituals
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 83-94 83
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 7
Abstract. Primitive cultures have a striking relationship with animals, and remarkable rituals associated with
hunting. Animals not only provide meat, but also hides and fur, and bones for fashioning into artifacts and
ceremonial objects. Two broad areas of hunting rituals are one pertaining to “bribing” or coaxing animals to
present themselves to the hunters; and the other involves appeasing the spirits of the animals once they have been
slain. When animals are hunted, they are usually treated in a distinctive, reverent manner, partly to propitiate the
ghosts of the animals, so as not to be harmed by them. Many cultures also show great respect to plants grown for
food: In Papua New Guinea, for example, yams, a major food staple, are carefully attended to, and people talk to
a yam as if it were human. The practice of reciting magical spells on traps, in order to attract game, is practiced in
many cultures. In numerous cultures, ceremonies take place in preparation for the whaling season, including
ceremonial launching of the boats, singing of whaling songs, donning of new clothes, and performing a ritual of
“spearing” the woman whom they designated to represent a whale. Bears seem to be more venerated than any
other hunted animal in the world. Elaborate ceremonies surround bear hunting. Bears have high intelligence, they
walk in a human-like manner, they sit down against a tree with their paws, like arms, at their sides and perhaps
one leg drawn up under their body. They exhibit a wide range of emotions that are very humanlike. The Nivkh
people celebrate the Bear Festival, which involves a ritual sacrifice of a bear to was to commemorate deceased
ancestors, or on special occasions. In the disposal of the bear’s remains, there is great respect accorded the bones,
which are ceremoniously and carefully buried intact in proper position. The Motu in Papua New Guinea treat tuna
with great reverence, and have elaborate preparations for the fishing season, including fasting, ritual bathing,
singing, and dancing. They bless the fish before killing them. If a tuna is accidentally knocked against the side of
the canoe, the fisherman must go down on his knees and kiss the fish; otherwise no more will enter the nets that
day. Cattle and other livestock are treated with reverence in India, Northeast Africa, and other regions. Native
Americans in the North Pacific have revitalized the First Salmon Ceremony, an aboriginal “first fruits” ritual,
involving elaborate preparation and ceremonies to welcome the salmon. Protocols carefully prescribe the manner
of fishing, cooking, eating, and disposal of fish bones. Reindeer breeders in Siberia practice a communal reindeer
sacrifice in order to insure food, happiness, health and prosperity.
INTRODUCTION
In primitive cultures, as we have seen, there is an intricate relationship between the human and natural worlds, and
this is most strikingly seen in how they relate to animals in their environment. For untold millions of people, wild
animals are the chief or sole source of protein in their diets, so that hunting and fishing are fundamental activities in
their lives. The people hunt animals and eat them. Animals not only provide meat, but also hides and fur, and bones
for fashioning into artifacts and ceremonial objects.
Many cultures also raise domesticated animals such as cattle or pigs, which are prized as food items, or traded or
gifted. Ownership of livestock in pastoral cultures is a matter of prestige, and livestock usually make up a good part
of payments to the bride’s family. If livestock are raised, the animals relate to the material and productive basis of
the people.
Along with this economic dependency and exploitation there is an animistic relationship-a reverence for the animals,
a belief that human and animal life are intricately connected, and a need to maintain balance in nature. This takes
into account the idea that “human beings are an integral part of a greater system, and that the health of this system
requires sustainable and mutually nurturing relationships, not only among its parts, but also between the parts and
the whole” (Krippner, 2002, p. 973).
Many of us in modern cultures are not used to seeing wild animals at all, although we have an abundance of dogs
and cats in our homes, and we experience a special bond with our domesticated animals. Domestic pets are quite
common in primitive cultures too. In addition to dogs and cats, a wide array of exotic animals are sometimes kept as
pets. Fuentes (2006) claims that Guaja foragers of the Amazon have an intense attachment to primates and include
them in their social fabric. Orphaned monkeys, for instance, are “adopted” by the people, and women will bathe,
breastfeed and carry them about. Little girls will be allowed to join as primary caretakers of these infant monkeys. In

84 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
aboriginal Australia people adopt dingos as pets. The animals will be captured as pups and suckled by a woman.
Later, they will be used to hunt kangaroos and, as well, as a food supply.
There are two broad areas of hunting rituals: one pertains to “bribing” or coaxing animals to present themselves to
the hunters; and the other involves appeasing the spirits of the animals once they have been slain. Also, as we will
see, there are rituals pertaining to gathering of flora.
Among many idiosyncratic prohibitions concerning hunting, Telban (1998) argues that in some regions hunters will
usually not eat the meat they have killed with a spear, because this would make a man’s spirit lazy. This would
result in unsuccessful hunts in the future. Hunting with a spear brings the hunter and his victim close together. The
hunter “gives his strength to the pig....” To eat such a pig would mean to eat his own strength, i.e. himself (p. 26).
On the other hand, Telban (1998) points out that it’s okay for the hunter to eat an animal he has shot with a gun
rather than speared, because “when using guns there is no direct contact between man and game” (p. 26), and hence
the hunter’s strength is not “transferred” to the prey. Another practice, which is seen in many variations throughout
the world is this: “When a man catches and kills a pig in a trap, he will tie knots in a length of vine in his hand,
thereby tying up its spirit. He will throw it far away, ensuring in this way that the pig’s spirit will not inform other
pigs where the trap lies” (Telban, 1998, p. 57).
The recurring philosophy behind hunting and gathering rituals is that plant and animal species have spirit “owners,”
so that if more are taken than are needed to sustain life, the offended species might be withdrawn from the
environment by its spirit owner, or the angered spirit might visit sickness on the one who neglected or abused it.
Moreover, animals that are important prey to a hunting tribe are often thought to be guardians of sorts of the
community, and any disruption of a balanced ecology would result in vengeance inflicted on the people by ghosts of
the animals or spirits of their habitat. Even killing a single animal is thought to require ceremonial appeasement, so
that when animals are hunted, they are usually treated in a distinctive, reverent manner. Thus, hunting in animistic
cultures is always a problem because precautions must be made to propitiate the ghosts of the animals that are killed,
so as not to be harmed by them. Read (1915) claims as follows:
The ghosts, for example, of seals and bears are bribed by the Eskimo to entice other seals and bears to
come and be killed. A seal desires above everything, they say, a drink of fresh water; so as soon as one is
brought ashore a dipperful is poured into his mouth; else the other seals will not allow themselves to be
caught (p. 12).
If things do not go well, the hunters will find all sort of excuses to explain their meagre results: “With the
sympathetic agreement of family and friends, they blame crocodiles for chasing fish away, spirits for making them
blind, thieves for stealing fish, husbands for not observing taboos, and wives for promiscuity” (Telban, 1998, p. 23).
The primitive hunter finds himself in a radically different frame of mind concerning the relationship of man and
beast in the hunt compared to modern man’s pattern of thought-or absence of thought-on the subject. To the
primitive, hunting is never a “sport,” but is a necessary pursuit imbued with folkloristic elements. Hallowell (1926)
found: “To him the animal world often represents creatures with magical or superhuman potencies, and the problem
of securing them for their hide, meat or fur involves the satisfaction of powers or beings of a supernatural order” (p.
10). Still, there are parallels between modern hunting laws and hunting customs and rituals of primitive cultures. For
example, modern hunting laws limit the time, manner, place of the kill and the quantity of animals allotted per
hunter, with a view towards sustainable renewal of the animals.
In most hunter-gatherer cultures it is inconceivable to go out and hunt or fish without first performing magical rites.
These rites are a community affair, and success of the hunt or fishing expedition is assured by the fact that the people
have performed the pre-hunt ritual in a traditional and prescribed way. As we will see, these rites and accompanying
songs focus on particular animals and animal characteristics in an effort to enhance good results in a hunt.
Bogoraz (1909) found that the Hukaghir hunters in Northeastern Siberia believe that the masters of the forest are
fond of drinking brandy and playing cards. Hunters will “bribe” the master of the forest with brandy and packs of

Hunting and Cultivation Rituals The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 85
cards so as to insure a successful hunt. They say that the masters always play cards with each other, and they bet on
game, which they turn over to the winner (pp. 287-288).
In Papua New Guinea people take great pride in their gardens, and yams, a major food staple, are carefully attended
to. People will at times talk to a yam as if it were human, not only out of respect, but to help assure abundance of
yams. Yams are thought to be endowed with spirits that have affinity with whoever has planted them. Tuzin (1972)
points out:
As the tubers grow their spirits also develop, so that by harvest time their supernatural maturity is attained
and they behave as independent beings.... Under the earth the yam spirits are moving about, visiting
friends and kinsmen in their own and other gardens, leading active lives which are in most respects
human (p. 234).
Whiteman (1965) found that when yams are harvested some are painted and decorated as male and female, and put
on public display in the plaza. One yam in particular might be hung on a tree and designated as the mother of all the
other yams on display. People from adjacent villages will come and look at the yams.
The practice of reciting magical spells on traps, in order to attract game, is practiced in many cultures, most notably
in the Papua New Guinea highlands. The spells serve double duty in that they are also designed to ward off
trespassers and thus prevent theft of game from the trap.
Instead of magical formulas, some people will seek to lure animals with songs. The Tinneh of the lower Yukon
believe that animals are really human souls which come in animal appearance, and that they can be charmed with
songs. Thus, they sing special songs to attract bears or other game.
People of many cultures, including the Tinneh, believe that you are what you eat-that you acquire traits of the
animals you consume. So, eating the heart of the bear will bring courage. The porcupine’s heart is even more
efficacious for this purpose, for he runs from nothing; the heart of rabbits cannot be eaten by children, for it will
make them timid. Chapman (1921) found that the Tinneh hold an annual Feast of Animals’ Souls-in which hundreds
of animal images carved on sticks are put on display in the council house, along with images of bags of flour, guns
and other things useful for maintaining life.
Native Americans, too, regard eating as something more than consuming mere “food.” Plants, animals, fish and
other bounties of the Earth are looked upon as gifts voluntarily given with the good will, compassion and consent of
the spirits of the animals or plants. Plants or animals can be used only upon the fulfillment of certain conditions.
These conditions include respect and reverent care of the dead animal; and proper treatment of the parts for which
the people have no use (though usually the entire animal, intestines, hoofs, etc., are consumed or otherwise utilized).
Different tribes have specific protocols for the proper treatment of the blood, bones, or other parts of the animal.
Care is taken to dispose of the animal’s remains in a way that means renewal of its life.
Frazer (1927) says that primitive man is motivated to appease the spirits of animals he has killed, because, like human
beings, animals are “endowed with souls and intelligence like his own, and hence he naturally treats them with similar
respect” (Part II, p. 190). One must appease the deceased animal or else one will offend the gods. He adds:
While the savage respects, more or less, the souls of all animals, he treats with particular deference the
spirits of such as are either especially useful to him or formidable on account of their size, strength, or
ferocity. Accordingly, the hunting and killing of these valuable or dangerous beasts are subject to more
elaborate rules and ceremonies than the slaughter of comparatively useless and insignificant creatures
(Part II, p. 191).
Many animals become deities or at least heroes of a particular group. The group may have a totemic belief that their
very life sprang from the particular animal-hero, so that their origin is literally from the totemic animal. The raven
and the coyote, for instance, have been regarded as heroes by numerous North American Indians. The animal is
sacred and may not be killed, except on certain festivals where the animal is sacrificed in a communion-with-god
type of ceremony.

Shamanism: The “Wounded Healer”
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 95-113 95
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 8
Abstract. Shamanism is a widespread healing discipline, grounded in animism. Healing, divination, rain-making
and settling disputes are among the shaman’s duties. Many people rely on shamans for primary health care and
spiritual guidance. The mind, body and spirit are treated as a unit by shamans. The shaman will seek to determine
the supernatural cause of an illness. This can be anything from the violation of a taboo or some other
transgression against the supernatural world, possession by an evil spirit, sorcery practiced by an enemy, or the
actions of an offended ancestral ghost.
INTRODUCTION
Shamanic calling is usually hereditary or by initiatory dreams; there may also be illness, suffering and temporary
derangement during which souls of dead shamans are said to come and teach the candidates. Shamans may derive
their powers from animal spirit helpers, and sometimes in rituals the shaman will employ shapeshifting and change
into an animal. Often healing sessions involve a “shamanic performance” in which the shaman will act in dramatic
ways, e.g., sucking “evil darts” or other foreign objects out of the patient’s body. Shamans are often revered, but
some regard them as charlatans, or even psychopathic individuals who trick their clients with sleight-of-hand and
other gimmicks. Shamans are said to go into an altered state of consciousness at will (“soul flight”) during rituals,
usually to communicate with spirits and learn the cause of the patient’s ailment, to obtain visions, or to fight hostile
spirits and recover the patient’s soul in order to effect a cure. Music, including singing, dancing and drumming, is
important, for music “activates” clothing, ornaments, amulets, drums, staff and other ritual equipment, and music
mediates the inner and outer worlds of the shaman. The percussive sounds of the shaman’s drum, bells and rattles
are said to provide a “sound bridge” for the transmission of information from spirits. In addition to drums, shamans
may use hallucinogenic mushrooms to help push them into trance states. The shaman’s supernatural powers can be
dangerous: They have power to harm just as they have power to help, and some shamans practice sorcery against
enemies.
A significant portion of the world’s population relies on shamans for primary health care, rather than doctors. This is
not only because in certain regions modern medical personnel are scarce, but has to do with long-standing beliefs the
people have in the efficacy of shamanic healing, the topic of this chapter. The shaman is a privileged individual to
whom people turn mainly for illness, but also for spiritual advice or communication with spirits. Shamans are first
and foremost healers in their community, but they are also spiritual leaders, guides of the souls, reciters of songs,
sacrificers, and dramatic actors. Shamans today often occupy a central role in upholding indigenous traditions,
ethnic identity and cultural survival.
Shamans are found all over the world in both modern and primitive cultures. The Foundation for Shamanic Studies,
which is a kind of college for training shamans, has a program for psychotherapists, physicians and psychiatrists in
which techniques are taught for treating clinically defined psychosis and other syndromes that involve extreme
behaviors (Foundation for Shamanic Studies, 2006). In urban communities where seminars on various New Age
topics flourish, one easily can sign up for shamanic training, although purists will claim that many of these
purported shamans are charlatans.
In modern times perhaps the most well-known book about shamanism is by the Romanian anthropologist, Mircea
Eliade (1972) entitled Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy.
The shaman is probably the oldest profession in the history of humanity. Shamanism seems to have its earliest
appearance in Paleolithic hunting and gathering groups that migrated from Asia to the Americas 10,000 to 50,000
years ago (Winkelman, 1990, p. 320). Krippner (2002) claimed:
Shamans appear to have been humankind’s first psychotherapists, first physicians, first magicians, first
performing artists, first storytellers, and even the first timekeepers and weather forecasters (p. 970).

96 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
In ancient times, shamanism may have been a precursor of religion. As noted by Marett (1919), shamanism usually
coexists alongside other forms of religious practices and beliefs, sometimes overlapping or supplementing them.
Shamans function side-by-side with tribal chiefs, professional priests and magicians. Sometimes the chief of a tribe
is also the shaman.
The term “shaman,” according to Krippner (2002),
describes a particular type of practitioner who attends to the psychological and spiritual needs of a
community that has granted that practitioner privileged status. Shamans claim to engage in specialized
activities that enable them to access valuable information that is not ordinarily available to other members
of their community. Hence, shamanism can be described as a body of techniques and activities that
supposedly enable its practitioners to access information that is not ordinarily attainable by members of
the social group that gave them privileged status. These practitioners use this information in attempts to
meet the needs of this group and its members (p. 963).
Shamans have flourished in many cultures despite periods of European expansion, colonization, pacification,
assimilationist policies, infringement of traditional lands by outsiders, decimation by disease and massacre, and
environmental contamination of industry.
Today shamans assume the role of spokespersons of indigenous populations, as they struggle to maintain their
identity and also to redefine themselves amid world changes and pressures from the dominant culture.
The shamanic world view is that there is no human superiority over the rest of nature. People, like other forms of
life, exist within and depend upon nature and the goodwill of the spirits that animate and rule over the environment.
Thus, shamanism goes hand-in-hand with animism.
Shamans are found in practically all animistic cultures, from Native Americans, South Americans, Indonesians,
Siberians, Inuits, Polynesians, Melanesians and Micronesians. Shamans are sometimes known by other titles, such
as medicine-man-although the two practices have certain differences, discussed below. Shamans are not quite the
same as faith-healers, “rainmakers,” spirit mediums, magicians or diviners, although these all have in common the
feature of being wonder-workers vested with supernormal powers. The main thing that distinguishes a shaman is his
or her direct access to, and influence in, the spirit world, which is usually manifested during a trance or possession
state (See discussion below).
The word “shaman” comes from the Tungus language of Siberia. Comparisons with similar words in Mongolian and
Manchurian indicate that all these words designate a certain excited, restless state. Early on, anthropologists reported
that shamans are often individuals of unstable constitution and restless, distracted, eccentric and withdrawn. Often a
call to shamanism begins with seizures, either convulsive or hysterical (i.e.. cataleptic or rigid states), which we will
discuss shortly.
ANIMISTIC GROUNDING OF SHAMANISM.
In animistic cultures forces of nature can be found in all things, not only animals, but rocks, trees, birds, clouds,
snakes, in the fire, in the water, places where dead ancestors dwell, etc. The world is that which is “seen and
unseen,” a belief that is common, it seems, to all world religions. Lake (1983) observed that in shamanic cultures,
good health is associated with living in balance with nature, and being in good standing with the spirit world and
with one’s deceased ancestors. Shamans also recognize that ailments can be caused by sorcery.
In animistic cultures, all things are subject to the same principles, function, purposes, laws and forces. So, if one
interferes with or violates the laws of nature, nature reacts by inflicting sickness, accident, insanity, injury or death
on the individual. To have good health one must have a proper balance of both the physical and spiritual world.
One’s body, mind and soul are interconnected, dependent on one another for their proper functioning, so that if
something is out in one area it affects the whole.

Shamanism The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 97
This is much the same in modern medicine, which embraces the view that unconscious conflicts or repression can
cause physical illnesses, a process known as somatization. Tension, anxiety or suppressed emotions can and do
manifest in bodily symptoms of one sort or another-such as back pains, blurred vision, lethargy, loss of weight, etc.,
or more serious symptoms. Some think that shamans are successful for the most part because they treat somaticized
illnesses, not more serious things like cancer. But that is not necessarily true. In many cultures shamans attend to all
manner of illnesses.
Freud commented on a strategy that came to be known as “secondary gain from illness” (Peters, 1978, p. 76). Freud
(1966) says:
Consider the commonest example of this sort. A woman who is roughly treated and ruthlessly exploited
by her husband will fairly regularly find a way out in neurosis.... Her illness now becomes a weapon in
her battle with her dominating husband-a weapon which she can use for her defense and misuse for her
revenge (p. 475).
Shamanism involves living in ritual relationship with the natural forces and energies around us. Shamanic healing
involves putting back harmony in one’s relationship with nature and with the natural flow of healing energies.
SHAMAN’S MAIN FUNCTION: HEALING
People will seek out the services of a shaman primarily to heal illnesses, both physical and mental. Nowadays, in
many cultures people will go to shamans (or other traditional healers) in addition to, rather than instead of, medical
doctors.
The shaman will first seek to determine the cause of the illness. In these cultures, illness is always attributed to some
supernatural source. The idea is that illness or other misfortune indicates some conflict or lack of harmony with the
community or the spirit world. This can be anything from the violation of a taboo or some other transgression
against the supernatural world, possession by an evil spirit, sorcery practiced by an enemy, or the actions of an
offended ancestral ghost. The cause might be related to some upset in the family equilibrium such as an argument or
conflict, causing “soul loss.” (See discussion of susto, meaning loss of soul, in chapter 19, “Culture-Bound
Syndromes.”) Even accidental maladies, such as a broken leg, are viewed as having a supernatural source, as are
financial problems, interpersonal conflicts, and everyday problems. In cultures where shamans are common, people
of all walks of life will consult them for healing rituals or for help with personal troubles.
Shamans treat the mind, body and spirit holistically, in contrast to modern medicine. In shamanic healing the focus
is on spirit curing, with the premise that events outside the body are the cause of illness or misfortune, such as a
disturbance in one’s relationship with dead ancestors. In contrast, modern medicine for the most part explains illness
in nonpersonal terms-e.g., germs are the cause rather than the spirits of angry ancestors.
People who seek healing from shamans have certain cultural expectations and beliefs in the efficacy of the rituals.
As argued by Peters (1978), once the shaman identifies the cause of the patient’s illness
there is immediate reduction in the patient’s anxiety because once the illness is put into a cultural frame,
definite expectations are aroused in the patient and his family. They immediately identify with others who
have been cured of similar things by the shaman. In other words, once the disease entity is known,
whether it be a spirit, a complex, or a germ, there are definite prescriptions for dealing with it (pp. 82-83).
This in turn “marks a favorable direction in the treatment process” (Peters, 1978, p. 83).
The view that illness can be caused and healed by the intervention of supernatural spirits is found in modern and
primitive cultures alike. People who almost never pray will pray if faced with a serious illness; they do so with the
hope that the prayer will be effective in healing them. As we will discuss in chapter 14 (“The Placebo Effect”), in
any society the expectations of a cure can be reinforced by the attitudes of one’s group as well as one’s personal
faith.

114 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 114-126
Envy and the Evil Eye
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 9
Abstract. The evil eye is a widespread belief in the world, and is thought to be associated with a human
propensity towards envy. The objects of envy in primitive cultures are mainly crops, food, livestock, children, and
good health. In evil eye cultures people tend to keep a watchful eye on one another. The evil eye takes into
account the ability of an onlooker to project psychic energy through the eyes. The evil eye causes the victim to be
helpless-dominated, gripped by an overpowering occult power. Often infliction of the evil eye is unintentional
and unconscious; it occurs during a moment of coveting something belonging to another. Evil eye cultures are
those in which people regard goods to be limited, so that if one person possesses more than others, it is thought to
have been obtained at everyone else’s expense. People in these cultures are wary of compliments, as these can be
disguised expressions of envy, and hence occasions for infliction of the evil eye. In many cultures where there is
scarcity of food, people will conceal food or try and conceal a prosperous harvest from the gaze of others so as to
avoid the problem of envy. Envy is widespread in modern society, but is almost a taboo topic, and one will rarely
admit to it. Throughout the world people use talismans, charms, religious symbols and other devices to ward off
the evil eye-wearing them, putting them on doorposts, on automobile rearview mirrors. In some cultures there is a
high incidence of paranoia-with people fearing that others might poison them, for instance, or that malice is the
source of every ailment or misfortune; in Western cultures paranoia takes expression in conspiracy theories and
the belief that semi-secret groups control the economy of the world.
INTRODUCTION
Can you feel it if someone stares at you? Do you get uncomfortable at unpleasant looks people might send your
way? Do you feel more secure wearing sun glasses when out in public so as to deflect the glances of others? Perhaps
you are sensitive to the evil eye-a strongly held belief in a great many cultures of the world. As we will see, the evil
eye is thought to be associated with a human propensity towards envy. Envy, abundantly present in all cultures, is
universally thought to be an unseemly and hostile emotion. Foster et al. (1972) claim that it is “a particularly
dangerous and destructive emotion, since it implies hostility, which leads to aggression and violence capable of
destroying societies” (p. 165). The authors go on to say that man
fears the consequences of his own envy, and he fears the consequences of the envy of others. As a result, in
every society people use symbolic and nonsymbolic cultural forms whose function is to neutralize, or reduce,
or otherwise control the dangers they see stemming from envy, and especially their fear of envy (p. 165).
The objects of envy in primitive cultures are mainly crops, food, livestock, children, and good health. In our culture
the objects of envy are more complex: wealth, power, fame, good looks, fine homes, clothing, cars, and travel.
In primitive cultures, fear of the evil eye and of witchcraft in general have a certain social utility by promoting
harmony. The successful person fears the evil eye, or worse, an act of witchcraft, because envious others will hold
grudges. To avert ostracism or misfortune, people will distribute part of their goods to others, or avoid the
accumulation of goods altogether. Those who value their membership in the group follow its norms and capitulate to
this leveling mechanism.
In evil eye cultures people tend to keep a watchful eye on one another. News spreads rapidly. Secrets are impossible
to keep. People have a well-developed attunement to the feelings and demeanor of other people. There tends to be a
good deal of gossip in order to tear down others who gain. Of course, gossiping and backbiting are not the exclusive
domain of these cultures. We see a significant dose of this in American society where, for example, popular culture
fuels an unsatiable appetite for sensational news about the wrongdoings of rich and famous people. And for many
people, gossip is the chief content of conversation with friends and co-workers alike.
Evil eye cultures are imbued with animism. The people believe that the environment harbors unknowable and
dangerous spirits, beings and guardians of natural phenomena that constantly threaten people. These dark forces of
nature make for a hostile world, in which people live an anxious life enfolded with a tenuous security.

Envy and the Evil Eye The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 115
There is a kind of paranoid world view: The whole village is full of envious people who could, from envy, employ
witchcraft or the evil eye and seriously harm a new mother and child, newlyweds, or someone with a prosperous
harvest. Thus, people will avoid impressing others about their beautiful children, their health, or other good fortune.
WHAT IS THE EVIL EYE?
The belief in the evil eye has been present for millennia, and is especially prevalent today in the Near East, Europe,
the Mediterranean, Africa, India, Japan, South Asia, Melanesia and Micronesia, and Central America, both in
primitive and developed cultures (Maloney, 1976).
There are references to the evil eye in the Bible: “Eat not thou the bread of him that hath an evil eye” (Proverbs
23:6), and “He that hath an evil eye hasteneth after riches” (Proverbs 28:22).
The evil eye is a species of witchcraft. The evil eye takes into account the ability of an onlooker to project psychic
energy through the eyes. That is, the eye is capable of inflicting harm, as well as projecting healing energy, love and
compassion. Science does not yet know very much about this, but it is a universally accepted folk concept that
people can cast a glance that projects evil forces. A force is emitted from the eyes, just as the voice or the breath are,
to quote Plutarch, “emanations thrown off from our bodies, which may easily affect those who are susceptible to
them, and this is particularly seen in the effects produced by the eyes, which throw out, as it were, fiery rays...” (as
quoted in Greenacre, 1926, p. 576).
The idea is that a glance or stare of someone can damage other living things or even nonliving objects, e.g., cause a
machine to malfunction and thereby cause an accident that injures someone.
The evil eye causes the victim to be helpless-dominated, gripped by an overpowering occult power. The idea is
intuitive: If someone casts a hostile glance at you, you get an uncomfortable, uneasy feeling. The more sensitive you
are, the more a glance of hostility seems to penetrate into your body, throwing you off center, creating a dissonant
feeling in your being.
Usually the infliction of the evil eye is unintentional and involuntary-a subconscious witching power as it were. The
person may be unaware that he or she possesses this power, or is unable to control this power. It simply
accompanies a person’s covetous glance. However, often enough the wielder of the evil eye might cast it with
deliberate malice, for instance where the motivation is to avenge a wrong-a kind of spontaneous, intentional and
forceful glance accompanied by a malicious intent.
One might think of the evil eye as a lesser version of witchcraft, without props, potions or rituals. No particular skill,
formula or ritual is required, and as mentioned, casting an evil eye can be an unconscious or involuntary process. As
with witchcraft, the evil eye cannot only cause illness but also miscarriages, mental disorders, loss of crops and
disease to animals. Unlike witchcraft, there is no public accusation against the evildoer. But countermeasures are
available to ward off the effects of the evil eye, including exorcism, countermagic, or other rituals discussed below.
The object of the countermeasure is to neutralize the evil power and reestablish a balance in the victim. There are
also preventive measures, such as wearing certain talismans or amulets (See discussion later in this chapter).
According to Webb (1933), in some cultures animals are thought to be able to inflict the evil eye-donkeys, for
instance, among the aborigines of East Arnhem Land. And in some African cultures such as the Bambara, children
wear charms around their necks to protect against the evil eye of birds. Birds are believed to possess the power to
cause convulsions in children and make their hands and feet curl up like birds’ feet.
In evil eye cultures firstborn males and bridegrooms are thought to be especially susceptible to the evil eye, as
objects of envy. Pregnant women are susceptible, particularly by the envious looks of barren women. Children are
especially susceptible not only because of envy by others, but because they do not have the force of personality to
deflect the influence of the evil eye.
As discussed by Maloney (1976), in India even statues of gods are susceptible to harm by the evil eye, so potters
will cover the idols while they dry in the air awaiting firing, so that no evil eye can penetrate them. And during the

116 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
puja ceremony, the daily or periodic service to the deity, a torch or lamp will be waived around the idol in order to
protect it from invidious eyes. During the height of the ceremony bells are rung with the greatest of noise so as to
distract the attention of any potentially malevolent gazers (p. 106).
In Italy the evil eye is referred to as affascino, or “fascination,” referring to an unknown, antagonistic power. Pope
Pius IX was thought to have had an evil eye, and during his papacy people believed that numerous disasters
occurred because of the power of his eyes (Swiderski (1976), p. 29).
The evil eye is listed in the Glossary of Culture-Bound Syndromes of the DSM-IV-TR, as a syndrome known as “mal
de ojo,” or simply “ojo.” Mal de ojo is a Spanish phrase that means “evil eye.” The Glossary says it is
a concept widely found in Mediterranean cultures and elsewhere in the world. Children are especially at
risk. Symptoms include fitful sleep, unusual fretfulness, crying without apparent cause, diarrhea, vomiting,
and fever in a child or infant. Sometimes adults (especially females) have the condition (p. 901).
THE DOCTRINE OF LIMITED GOODS
In many cultures we see a world view, a sort of leveling mechanism, that binds people together in such a way as to
minimize occasions of envy. The hallmarks are cohesion, cooperation, reciprocity and even distribution of wealth.
The people in these cultures regard worldly goods as limited. If one person possesses more than others, it is thought
to have been obtained at everyone else’s expense. Since there are scarce resources, one person’s gain causes another
person’s loss. Any relative enrichment or improvement creates a tension in the group and is thus perceived as
operating against the group’s stability. There is bound to be envy if anyone acquires more land than others, or
produces a superior harvest. A wide range of cultures fall into this category, ranging from the truly primitive to rural
folk cultures.
Anthropologists sometimes use the term “deprivation societies” in describing cultures that think in terms of limited
or finite resources. In these cultures the idea of limited goods permeates the peoples’ entire world view and is
implicit in many of their folk beliefs. For example, Ingham (1970) found that in Mexican villages people think that
long hair causes the body to be skinny-that is, the abundance of hair must be compensated for-it must cause a
deficiency in some other part of the person’s body. Or, a good corn crop indicates the owner will die-that is, good
luck in one area implies bad luck in another. Or, dreaming of excrement is a sign someone will become rich, while
dreaming of money means you will incur poverty, or having pretty flowers in the home will make you poor. Being
ugly and unassuming are virtues. These beliefs are premised on the idea that the good and bad add up to zero, that is,
a person must give and take in equal proportion or he will upset the order of things.
People in these cultures will usually avoid any public appearance of superiority about anything. For instance, the Zuni
Indians of the Southwest avoided self-aggrandizement, boasting, or excelling others in community activities. Anyone
who “got ahead” would be suspected of practicing witchcraft and dealt with severely (Brickner, 1943, p. 128).
Among the !Kung hunter-gatherers of the Kalahari Desert in southern Africa, Katz (1982) found that
No one is supposed to stand out from the rest of the group. If someone were to come back from a successful hunt
and show excessive pride, he would be put back firmly into his place, even if the kill were a large animal. With the
freshly killed meat still over his shoulder, such an improperly proud hunter would hear the pointed teasing of his
village: “What is it you have there? What a scrawny little thing! You didn’t kill that. It looks so sick and scrawny
that it must have fallen dead in your arms.” (p. 347)
Italian peasants will not predict a successful harvest, and an individual will usually say, if inquired about his health,
that it is no better than meno male-“luckily, not bad.”
In some cultures it is almost impossible for people to hold onto a disproportionate amount of gain. Throughout
Papua New Guinea, for instance, anyone who comes into a superior economic position will inevitably get besieged

PART III: CONSCIOUSNESS AND MAGICAL POWERS

Altered States of Consciousness
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 127-132 127
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 10
Abstract. Altered states of consciousness are sought after for religious and spiritual purposes in cultures
throughout the world. An altered state of consciousness is a kind of disassociation from ordinary consciousness,
and can take on many different forms. Attaining altered states of consciousness is a hallmark of rites in primitive
cultures, as well as urban charismatic churches. Altered states of consciousness can be induced in many different
ways, from drugs to shamanic drumming to fasting, to dancing in discos with strobe lights. Substances used by
various cultures to induce altered states of consciousness are: ayahuasca, tobacco, peyote, kava, alcohol, mead,
qat, psychedelic drugs. There is extensive literature on the ceremonial use of peyote among Indians in the United
States and Mexico, where its use extends back about 2000 years. Kava, a mild narcotic that has been a stimulantrelaxant-social
drink throughout Oceania for at least a thousand years. Alcohol is a culturally accepted intoxicant
used worldwide. The amphetamine-like drug, qat, is commonly chewed in Yemen on social occasions.
Psychedelic states, induced by LSD and other drugs, have well known effects in terms of alteration of
consciousness.
INTRODUCTION
As we saw in chapter 8, shamans often enter altered states of consciousness in healing rituals as a means towards
accessing the spirit world. Shamans may or may not use mind-altering substances to induce a trance, depending on
local cultural practices. As we will see in the next chapter, trance and possession states-which are a type of altered
state of consciousness-are not the exclusive province of shamans, but extend into many other areas, including
religious ceremonies, mediumship in which other entities are channeled, and is a component found in many types of
community ceremonies, festivals and dances all over the world.
Here our focus is the general concept of altered states of consciousness. Just what constitutes an altered state of
consciousness? An altered state of consciousness is a kind of disassociation from ordinary consciousness. It can take
on many different forms. Sleep, for example, is an altered state of consciousness. Being in love often carries with it
a heightened sense of unity and connectedness to the world that is a kind of altered state of consciousness. Attaining
altered states of consciousness is a hallmark of rites in primitive cultures, but also finds its expression in a variety of
situations in modern cultures. To some, it finds its expression in religious practices, such as in Pentecostal or other
charismatic churches. To science, altered states of consciousness are partly chemical and partly an energetic
processes. To the shaman, attaining an altered state is usually part and parcel of the healing ritual.
Endorphins are a natural opiate of the brain that produces euphoria. Euphoria overcomes psychological chaos, fear,
or panic. Stress in battle or any kind of overexertion stimulates endorphin production. Exertion to a person’s limits
can lead to an altered state of consciousness. We see this with high performance athletes who get into a trance that
resembles what we see in tribal cultures. White and Murphy (1998) argue that attaining a “flow” in athletic
performance is a peak experience state of well-being, a letting go, a sense of freedom, composure, calm-in the midst
of competition. One has a sensation of floating and flying, of weightlessness, ecstasy and power, total control over
oneself. There is a feeling of being totally present in the now, a sense of great awe toward the mystery of life, a
feeling of union with everything; time seems to pass more slowly. There can be an effortlessness in the matter at
hand. One attains extraordinary feats of strength, speed and balance. One even gets a perception of inner body
structures on the cellular level. White and Murphy also found that athletes in this state even get the sense of
expanding their bodies, or being able to manipulate other players psychokinetically or by suggestion (either to
empower or disable them), or breaking the spell of a hostile crowd (a curse).
Altered states of consciousness can be induced in many different ways. Shamans often use drumming to induce an
altered state. People in India engage in chanting, which induces an altered state. Welsh hymn-singing induces trance
with the strength of its rhythmic sound. Music is something we feel with our bodies as well as our ears. Perhaps
modern dancing in discos is a similar inducement, enhanced with strobe lights.
Fasting, self-mutilization, and self-torture, practices we noted among the Indian tribes in our discussion of
Dionysean cultures, are known to induce an altered state of consciousness. One might surmise that in sado-

128 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
masochistic sexual encounters the infliction of pain induces an altered state of consciousness in the masochist
subject, i.e., produces a euphoria or a kind of ecstasy.
Quite often people in various cultures will employ some type of stimulant as an aid in producing an altered state of
consciousness. Below is a discussion of some of these practices.
AYAHUASCA
Amazonian shamans conduct rituals with a vine known as ayahuasca (also known as yaje) to induce an altered state
of consciousness for the purpose of identifying the hidden spiritual causes of illness, and to cure people through
direct intervention. The vine is indigenous to northwestern Amazon, and the word means “vine of the soul.” It
apparently is a magical intoxicant that frees the soul from bodily confinement, takes one into wondrous realms of
reality and permits one to communicate with dead ancestors. The vine is made into a drink, then consumed. Some
say the vine is a living presence with a strong and vivid personality. It imparts extraordinary multi-colored visions of
merging geometrical patterns, or it may recreate experiences from one’s memories, or evoke otherworldly scenes,
mythical creatures and spirit beings.
Shamans in that region use the sacrament, as it is reverently referred to, to find lost objects, seek out game and fish,
wage psychic warfare, influence the weather, and foresee the future. In participating in one of these rituals with a
shaman, one can have the experience of being purged, cleaned, healed, so that one will never again fear death,
because of having died and been reborn.
TOBACCO
Shamans of North and South America use tobacco in one form or another (usually Nicotina rustica), as a means of
inducing shamanic visions, trances and encounters with the gods. They consider tobacco to be a sacred plant, and
smoking “ceremonial cigars” establishes a medium between heaven and earth, and thus is pleasing to the gods. The
Indians of North and South America believed that tobacco could strengthen the body and prevent illness, and they
smoked it at the conclusion of peace treaties.
The Jivaros of Ecuador smoked tobacco during a period of seclusion in a “dreaming hut” to attain an altered state of
consciousness. In addition to smoking tobacco, it was drunk, licked, sniffed and chewed.
There was also ritual tobacco blowing: Chiefs blew tobacco smoke repeatedly on the heads and faces of
circumambulating participants in a war dance to impart to them the “spirit and fortitude” required to overcome their
enemies.
Many shamans drink tobacco juice, which is uncured tobacco leaves soaked in cold water. It is taken to feed one’s
spirit helpers, who love tobacco. It is also used to increase alertness, so that if there is a sorcerer working against
you, your spirit helpers will be alert and protect you.
PEYOTE
There is extensive literature on the ceremonial use of peyote among Indians in the United States and Mexico, where
its use extends back about 2000 years. Native Americans regard peyote as a sacrament.
It is a cactus plant (Lophophora williamsii) sometimes of odd shapes, with greying tufts of matted hairs, pink or
white flowers on the top of the crown. The crowns, when cut and dried, form the so-called mescal buttons which are
eaten. Peyote used to be offered for sale in drug markets in Mexico and was listed in its pharmacology publication.
At one time peyote could be ordered by mail from merchants in lower Texas.
Peyote is widely used as a stimulant, and was a favorite stimulant in warfare (Mexico). It provides energy and helps
overcome fatigue, and helps one endure hunger and thirst. It is said to be a cure against stings of scorpions, wounds
of all kinds, and skin diseases. It is said to fortify the body against future ills and purify the soul. Many Indians and
Mexicans regard it as a panacea.

Altered States of Consciousness The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 129
About a dozen buttons or more are consumed; tea can be made from them; or they can be ground and made into a
thick brown liquid. With peyote, there often can be hallucinations or visions that are fantastically colored. However,
among shamans and medicine men the main use is not its vision-producing properties-but the therapeutic properties
of the plant.
Peyote is employed in healing ceremonies in the Native American Church. For many years peyote was classified as
a Schedule I controlled substance under the Drug Abuse Amendments of 1965. However, after years of lobbying
efforts, the Drug Enforcement Administration promulgated a regulatory exemption for bona fide religious
ceremonies of the Native American Church (Native American Church, 2004).
A “diagnostic ceremony” will focus on finding out the root cause of an individual’s illness. A Navaho healer, known
as a road man or road woman, will conduct the ceremony. All present will ingest peyote. As with the healing rituals
of other cultures, there is a collaboration between healer and patient; this is done through questions to the patient
about the images seen or insights gained from the peyote.
One documented case, reported by Begay and Maryboy (2000), for example, involved a woman whose family had a
history of heart problems and blood clots. During the Navaho diagnostic ceremony, her heart problem was traced
back to the death of an alligator that an ancestor had speared in the heart. This incident interfered with a harmonious
relationship between her ancestors and the animals in their environment, and this disharmony led to heart problems
that manifested through subsequent generations. After this diagnosis, the road man conducted a healing ceremony to
restore balance and harmony between the patient and the disrupted spirit of the alligator. According to Begay and
Maryboy, the patient’s regular physician later reported that her blood clot had disappeared and that her condition
was greatly improved.
KAVA
Kava is an astringent infusion made from the root of piper methysticum. Kava a mild narcotic that has been a
stimulant-relaxant-social drink throughout Oceania for at least a thousand years. It is prepared and drunk in sacred,
ceremonial and secular contexts. In some areas kava drinking is confined to ceremonial occasions; in many places
it is a daily practice among men. Until recent years it could be readily purchased in Hawaii and other South Pacific
islands.
The drink is made by mashing the root into a powder, and mixing it with water. There is an immediate numbing of
the mouth and then a change in consciousness. Kava makes you drousy if you have too much, but in general it
promotes conviviality (not drunken hostility), openness in communication, and good will.
Kava is drunk today throughout Oceania often in coconut-shell cups. It is used in traditional religious ceremonies,
and on social occasions to help create emotional comraderie among groups of drinkers. Men today throughout
Oceania get together usually daily to drink kava, and tourists are often invited to join in a kava ceremony.
In Tanna, a Melanesian island in the New Hebrides group, the men drink their kava at cleared areas which are also
used for dancing and making prestations. They believe that kava comes from women’s vaginas. Boys cut up the
kava roots, clean and chew them, spit them out into a pile, then pour water over the roots through a strainer to
produce the drink. The men sit quietly, eat some food perhaps, but they do not interact. They stare into space
“listening to the kava.” One should not look directly into the eyes of someone who has drunk kava, nor shine a light
into his face, and no one should speak. In some other islands in the area the men will talk rather than be silent-a
natural inclination since the drink can act as a social lubricant.
There is a strong association between kava and magical or spiritual power throughout the New Hebrides. The people
believe that under the influence of kava one can perform powerful sorcery because one’s spirit becomes detached
from the body in a kava stupor. People will make invocations to ancestors when taking the drink. The altered state of
consciousness produced by kava is thought to enable people to communicate with their dead ancestors, or at least to
feel a powerful ancestral presence.

Trance and Possession States
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 133-149 133
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 11
Abstract. Trance and possession states are a worldwide phenomena, usually voluntarily induced. Practically
everyone has at one time or another fallen into a trance or possession state, either spontaneously or induced by
drugs or by circumstances such as extreme stress, physical exertion or deprivation. In the West, trance and
possession phenomena are for the most part associated with bad things-demonic possession, madness, insanity.
But in many cultures trance and possession states are customary in religious ceremonies, rites to cure illness,
rituals to attain communion with ancestral spirits, totemic guardians, and a means of practicing mediumship and
prophesy-and are even regarded as a social responsibility. For instance, after a successful pig hunt, hunters in
Papua New Guinea will seek to enter a trance to fulfill a social responsibility of giving what the spirits ask as a
reward for providing a successful hunt. In many cultures, mediums and other channelers are thought to have a
heightened perception of spiritual truths. There is a continuum of sorts, a trance being a slight alteration of
consciousness, whereas possession is a “deep trance” in which the individual seems to be somewhat taken over
by a supernatural agency. Some possession states are hysterical in nature in that the individual might lose control
over equilibrium, and may tend to strike out threateningly towards others, engage in self-inflicted violence, or
become blind, deaf, and entirely unresponsive during the episode. In many cultures trance and possession states
are normal and empowering features of everyday human life, while psychiatrists in the West often regard such
states, for the most part, as a mental disorder. In any event, all cultures regard an involuntary, uninvited trance or
possession state to be undesirable and dysfunctional. Trance dances are known in many cultures and function to
release emotional tension, to escape everyday worries, to provide a catharsis for primal instincts and patterns, or
to provide a profound religious and spiritual experience. In many parts of the world it is normative for women to
occasionally fall into a trance or possession state as a kind of protest or a way of seeking redress for their feelings
of powerlessness and low status. Trance and possession states are quite common and widespread in charismatic
Christian healing services. Extreme involuntary possession-demonic possession-is indicated by violent,
aggressive behavior, a distinct experience of being controlled by an alien force, a change of voice, convulsions,
intermittent states of unconsciousness, superhuman strength, and obscene behavior. Its emergence is usually
gradually, and many believe is prompted by either witchcraft or by the victim’s conscious or unconscious inviting
of evil spirits. In chronic cases rituals in the form of exorcism will be performed by a priest, shaman, or medicineman.
INTRODUCTION
Trance and possession states are altered states of consciousness. Practically everyone has at one time or another
fallen into a trance or possession state, either spontaneously or induced by drugs or by circumstances such as
extreme stress, physical exertion or deprivation. Hughes (1991) estimates that there are institutionalized forms of
altered states of consciousness in fully 90 percent of cultures. In our Western culture trance and possession
phenomena are for the most part associated with bad things-demonic possession, madness, insanity. But a
comparative perspective offers a very different picture of these states. In many parts of the world, trance and
possession states are customary in religions ceremonies, rites to cure illness, rituals to attain communion with
ancestral spirits, totemic guardians, and a means of practicing mediumship and prophesy. Shamans and people who
have the power of mediumship or the gift of prophesy are able to will themselves into trance or possession states in
service of the community, and these people occupy an honored status in their cultures.
According to Wedenoja (1990), the potential for trance-which is a milder state than possession-appears to be
genetically hardwired in the human species (p. 284). In principle, anyone has the capacity to enter into a trancethrough
hypnosis, auto-suggestion, meditation or, for vulnerable individuals this could happen spontaneously when
undergoing stressful experiences or childhood trauma. One can fall into a trance state while driving, being unaware
what you are doing, being on “automatic pilot.” When you reach your destination you have a kind of amnesia of
what happened.
PREVALENCE IN PRIMITIVE CULTURES
In many cultures, trance and possession states are viewed as a social responsibility. People will consciously seek out
and induce these states, or they might desire them subconsciously. Trance and possession states are revered because

134 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
they mark a divine presence in which spirits communicate through the subjects to the other people. For instance,
after a successful pig hunt hunters in Papua New Guinea will seek to enter a trance to fulfill a social responsibility of
giving what the spirits ask as a reward for providing a successful hunt. In West African cultures possession by the
intrusion of a strange soul or force is often held to mark the presence of a divine and beneficial agency. Someone
who experiences trance states enjoys enhanced prestige. Lunatics in that culture are treated with special reverence
because they are thought to be in close contact with the forces of the unseen world; they are thought to be divinely
energized.
In many cultures, mediums and other channelers are thought to have a heightened perception of spiritual truths, and
can discover and communicate occult secrets. The fact that so many cultures regard trance and possession states as a
positive force is explained by Oesterreich (1930) as follows:
To primitive people the possessed stand as intermediaries between the world of men and the spirit-world;
the spirits speak through their mouth. It is therefore no wonder that as soon as men realized that states of
this kind could be voluntarily induced, free use was made of the fact (p. 236).
As we saw in chapter 8, it is considered “normal” for a shaman to undergo instances of involuntary trance or
possession as a form of “initiatory illness”-a sign that the individual is being called to become a shaman. Later, after
the shaman has been initiated, trance or possession states will be voluntarily induced during rituals.
Shamanic trance or possession states might be seen as similar to the Hindu-Buddhist experience of samadhi, in
which highly practiced yogis attain a state of nirvana, described by Eliade (1958) as an enlightened or “invulnerable
state in which perception of the external world is absent” (pp. 78-80). However, the shaman’s trance or possession
state is different from other meditative experiences because it is not part of a discipline for self-development, but is
part of a curing ritual for his or her patients. For a shaman, this is the means of communicating with spirits to learn
the cause of the patient’s illness, or to fight hostile spirits and recover the patient’s soul in order to effect a cure. The
shaman will rely on a regular pantheon of spirit helpers, depending on the particular alliances of the shaman. Also,
for most part, during trance or possession states shamans are lucid and can communicate messages to the audience,
and unlike other practitioners, they can remember what happened afterwards. It should be noted that when a shaman
“shapeshifts” into animal, this is something more like a transformation than a possession state. That is, the shaman
possesses the animal guardian spirit, rather than the other way around.
Possession states become more and more rare as natives are exposed to outside influences (e.g., mission activity,
colonial hegemony and other forces of change). The so-called “mushroom madness” of the Middle Wahgi (Papua
New Guinea) is now rarely seen, for instance (See discussion in chapter 15, “Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive
Impulses, Enemies and War”).
DISTINCTION BETWEEN TRANCE AND POSSESSION
While it is desirable to make a distinction between trance and possession states, the line between the two is a bit
nebulous. There is a continuum of sorts, a trance being a slight alteration of consciousness and a possession state
being an intrusion of an entity that more or less takes over the individual’s behavior and motor control. The main
distinction is that a trance is a “lighter” form of altered consciousness, while the possession state is a “deep trance”
in which the individual seems to be somewhat taken over by a supernatural agency.
Sometimes people will refer to a “trance-possession” or “possession-trance” state, conflating the two terms. In
anthropology literature people use the terms trance and possession interchangeably. Sometimes just the word
“possession” will be used when clearly the context refers to a simple trance state. And often we see the terms
“possession-trance” or “trance-possession” used in shamanic discussions, which makes things even more confusing.
Sometimes it is not clear whether an individual is in a trance or a full-blown possession, particularly in ceremonies
invoking spirit possession. Sometimes people will refer to entering into a trance state whereas really the individual
has become possessed. On the other hand, often what is involved is not full-fledge possession, but a milder altered
state.

Trance and Possession States The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 135
Typically, a trance state is characterized by personality dissociation, involuntary movement, mediumship or
channeling. It is hard to verify whether a trance state is authentic or fake, whereas a possession state takes on
clearcut manifestations.
Halperin (1996) found that the trance state is associated in terms of brain-body chemistry with increased production
of endorphins. According to Stephen and Suryani (2000), a trance state involves the “alteration in the person’s usual
mode of cognition, perception and behavior, but without the sense of being taken over by another entity, as in
possession trance” (p. 9). Halperin also claimed that sometimes it can be a mediumship or channeling situation, and
other times it can involve entering an ecstatic state of consciousness.
In an ordinary trance state the shaman will employ visions, hear voices, or simply generate powerful intuitions. If
the shaman is merely in a trance, he might be heard to converse with spirits; if he is in a possession state voices or
animal sounds might speak through him, and the shaman will provide a dramatic display of spirits speaking.
Possession, which as mentioned is a deeper altered state than a trance, involves an alteration in behavior induced by
what the people in the community believe to be another entity, spirit, personality or supernatural being that enters
the subject’s body. Danforth (1989) points out that sometimes cultures take it that illness is a form of possession.
A person who is possessed is changed, often dramatically, as a result of the influence of the possessing spirit. This
change is generally experienced as coercive, as involving external control and a loss of individual autonomy (p. 59).
In trance states one “shares” one’s space with the outside spirit, that is, one’s soul stays more or less intact; while in
full-blown possession, one’s soul is entirely taken over, i.e., put aside by the spirit that comes into possession. That
is, “the practitioner’s own personality is temporarily displaced by the personality of another entity” (Winkelman,
1986, p. 195). There is the sense that the individual is “dominated” by a spirit or other agency, that one’s free will is
put towards one side. There is as it were a displacement of the subject’s soul by the possessing spirit.
The source of possession can be spirits, i.e., “spirit-intrusion,” of greater or lesser gods, or of dead or even living
humans, or even of animals, or as in Pentecostal spirit possession, discussed below, one’s body is said to becomes a
tabernacle for the Holy Spirit, which, upon entering, completely eclipses the “owner soul” (Goodman, 1988, p. 3).
There is a loss of self-consciousness, indeed there is usually a loss of awareness of what is going on in the
environment, while in a trance state the individual retains awareness of what is happening. Amnesia usually follows
a possession episode (Koss-Chioino, 2003, p. 164).
According to Levay and Bilu (1980), in Jewish kabalistic literature, possession is explained by the mystical doctrine
of transmigration (Gilgulim), in which spirits of the dead are held in limbo and cannot enter the heavenly realm.
These souls, by possessing a living human, seek to gain reparation and appeasement so as to move on.
As with trance states, there are different levels of possession states, depending on the depth, involvement, loss of
control, loss of consciousness, and intensity of behavior. Sometimes the possession might be a momentary loss of
control, and on other occasions it involves a prolonged altered state of consciousness and loss of motor behavior.
Some possession states are hysterical in nature (e.g., Arctic hysteria or running amok, discussed in chapter 19,
“Culture-Bound Syndromes,” or possession by evil forces, discussed below). That is, the individual might lose
control over equilibrium, and may tend to strike out threateningly towards others, or engage in self-inflicted
violence, so that the individual needs to be restrained. The individual is for all intents and purposes blind and deaf
during the episode, and entirely unresponsive to others who might try to intervene. Indeed, as we discussed in
chapter 8, at times it is difficult to distinguish from genuine shamanic performances and the handiwork of
charlatans. As pointed out by Merkur (1985), this is always a problem-distinguishing among the genuine ecstatic
reverie of an authentic medium or shaman, the trickery of a fake, and the hallucinations of a psychotic individual.
Perhaps a quick “rule of thumb” might be this: “Unlike cultural beliefs, delusional beliefs are not credible to others
in the local cultural context and impair the affected individual’s interpersonal, social, or occupational functioning”
(Joshi, Frierson & Gunter, 2006, p. 515).

150 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 150-166
Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 12
Abstract. Magic, sorcery and witchcraft-terms often used interchangeably-fulfill many emotional and practical
needs in many cultures. Chiefly, magical thinking is a way of coping with uncertainty-to help abate anxiety by
seeking the aid of supernatural forces to help solve problems. Magical ceremonies-for healing, to alter the
weather, to produce good crops or a successful hunt, to punish wrongdoers, and so on-are part and parcel of the
work of shamans, medicine-men and other healing practitioners. When illness strikes, shamans or other healers
will invariably determine, before anything else, whether the patient has been subjected to witchcraft. Magical
techniques are omnipresent in conventional religions of the world-gifts, offerings, or sacrifices, lighting candles,
kissing icons. Magic is rightly feared because it can be used for antisocial or disruptive purposes-to cause illness,
death, accidents or misfortune in others. Often the mere threat of sorcery or making known that sorcery has been
practiced makes it surprisingly easy to settle a quarrel. A magical spell is said to work through the law of
contagion-involving some “essence” or bodily residue of the victim, such as nail clippings, hair, food leavings, an
article of clothing, etc. The spell works through the particular medium utilized so as to affect the victim. In many
cultures people take great care not to leave nail clippings, hair or food leftovers where any enemy might utilize
them for sorcery. It is commonly thought that the victim of witchcraft may well “deserve” the hex as just desserts
for some transgression, such as refusal to pay a legitimate debt, unprovoked aggression, or a breach of charity or
neighborliness. Accusations of witchcraft in cases of death or illness, may lead to a feud between the victim and
the sorcerer, resulting in countermeasures or blood revenge. During the witchcraft trials of Europe, England and
the American colonies, people believed that witches were in liege with the Devil, who in turn granted them
powers to harm others. In many cultures, vampires and zombies are thought to be real entities. The belief in
witchcraft is widespread in modern cultures-people will seek potions, candles and spells to help produce financial
success, jobs or other good luck, or one can hire a witch or sorcerer for various intentions such as to attract love,
to mend family problems, to cure addictions, to offer help in business, etc. Occult supply stores are found in every
urban center selling magical robes, potions, herbs, books, incense, and talismans. In the Southern United States a
“hexing culture” is widely prevalent.
THE NEED FOR MAGIC: THE UTILITY OF MAGIC IN ABATING ANXIETY
Magical thinking is quite widespread not only in primitive cultures, including many that have adopted Christianity,
but also in the industrialized world. Magical thinking is a way of coping with uncertainty. In life, chance and
circumstance play a prominent role, we often seem to have little control over events, our destiny, or the
environment. Anxiety occurs when we have a desire or goal and don’t quite know how to insure its fulfillment or
avert failure. In an uncertain world, when we are engaged in risky activities, when we face a difficult trial or extreme
uncertainty, we want to take whatever action is appropriate under the circumstances, but we often think that is not
enough-so we will seek the aid of supernatural forces that we believe, whether correctly or superstitiously, can help
us along. Thomas (1971) argues:
[Magic] lessens anxiety, relieves pent-up frustration, and makes the practitioner feel that he is doing
something positive towards the solution of his problem. By its agency he is converted from a helpless
bystander into an active agent (p. 775).
To shamans, tribal leaders, medicine-men, healers and “big-men” of many different cultures, there is a body of
knowledge, comparable to modern scientific knowledge, that people utilize to control circumstances-whether to
change the course of bad weather, to cure an illness or insure a safe and successful hunting expedition. When the
people believe that a magical ritual will produce a practical result, this relieves their anxiety. A magical ceremony
that everyone believes has efficacy insures good luck and bolsters confidence. While magical techniques have been
around for thousands of years, and continue to flourish in many cultures-no one can really prove whether the
techniques have sound metaphysical basis or whether they are effective as a kind of group autosuggestion.
People of all religions pray and make offerings to their gods for good luck, good health, and for other hopes, but
often there is some “doubt” as to whether the gods will come to their aid. Coupled with a pervasive sense of being
unable to control certain events in life on our own, resort to other means such as magic can become an attraction.

Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 151
It has been said that “Magic is the science of the jungle” (Jung, 1933, p. 155). In many cultures magical spells are
often the principal means of bringing about the desired event. One can go to a magician and achieve some measure
of comfort that one’s goal will be achieved-whether it is to attract the love of someone, to defend against the evil
eye, to ward off a creditor’s claim, or innumerable other objectives. In modern society athletes will wear lucky
charms at the Olympics, and soldiers will do the same in battle. Magical amulets of all types are sold in occult
supply stores across the globe (See discussion later in this chapter).
Magical rituals are often used to insure a successful hunt, or to appease the gods and insure abundant rains and
crops. As such, these rituals serve to abate anxiety in uncertain times when one can’t rely completely upon one’s
knowledge and skill. In open-sea fishing, for instance, some ritual would be desirable, but not in lagoon fishing,
where the abundancy of fish means one can rely on oneself without ex deus intervention.
According to Lindquist (2000), magic is a way of exerting power in the world like other strategies,
from persuasion to coercion to raw violence.... Magical practices are a part of agentive action on the
world, to bend or control its structures in the contexts where other modes of action (technological, legal,
communal, etc.) are hampered or insufficiently provided.” (p. 316)
According to Freud, the magical thinking underlying beliefs such as evil eye involve “omnipotence of thought” and
“projection of a wish.” In the face of stressful situations one tends to regress into infantile attitudes, one becomes
preoccupied with one’s well-being, and there is a pull towards magical thinking, which to Freud is a form of
infantile omnipotence.
Magical thinking of course also manifests to explain ill-fortune, particularly in cultures that are technologically and
medically underdeveloped. Unexpected disasters-the sudden death of a child, the loss of a pig, an accident, crop
failure-have an “obvious” explanation: the influence of a malevolent neighbor, an angry ancestor, or the violation of
a taboo. For a remedy, one will seek out the services of a shaman, witch-doctor or other practitioner who will
employ magical techniques to detect the cause and provide a remedy.
Even in communities where there are many Christian converts, such as in Papua New Guinea, people retain magical
thinking, with the idea that God can be called upon to punish a wrongdoer. Hogbin (1935c) found that
Another interesting carry-over from the old religion is that if a man fancies that someone has injured him
he is apt, instead of performing magic to cause misfortune to overtake him, to pray that God will afflict
him. This practice is naturally frowned upon by missionaries (p. 22).
It is not uncommon in modern society for people to believe that natural disasters are punishments from God for sins.
We touched upon this in chapter 5 in the section on “Animism and Natural Disasters.” In our own culture we still
ascribe out-of-the ordinary phenomena to “acts of God,” and insurance policies invariably contain “acts of God”
clauses that limit liability in disasters such as floods, hurricanes, earthquakes, or wars.
Magic is usually compartmentalized, one specialist providing for the abundance of crops, another for the swiftness
of a canoe, another providing revenge against an enemy, another for the success of a hunting or warring expedition.
Magical ritual is sometimes “combined with practical techniques, as, for example, when vegetables are carefully
planted and watered, but also encouraged by the recitation of charms” (Thomas, 1971, p. 774-775).
This is just as it is in modern society: We will perform the ordinary tasks necessary and proper to attaining our goal,
but also turn to some magical technique to help insure success. A magical technique need not be elaborate, and
many of us practice such techniques on a daily basis. Just carrying a rabbit’s foot, wearing a religious symbol, or
displaying a good luck charm on one’s rearview mirror, qualifies as magic.
In many cultures, all gardening and crop activities are dependent on proper ritual and magic. In Papua New Guinea,
for example, magic is important in all aspects of life. Magical rites and spells are used not only for “good” but also
for “evil,” and indeed such ends are simply different aspects of the same phenomenon. Malinowski (1965) says:

152 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Magic is conceived by the Trobrianders as an intrinsic element in everything which vitally affects man
and his destinies. Magic is not a thing which could ever have been invented by man. It is believed to have
emerged with the first ancestors of man from underground. There it always existed. Its origins are as little
a matter for speculation as the origins of mankind or of the world. The words of the spell, the form of the
ritual, the very substance used in it, are coexistent from the very beginning with the things or natural
processes over which they exercise a power. Magic then is a traditionally established power of man over
certain natural processes, over some human activities or over other human beings (pp. 444-445).
Since planting of seeds is a matter of such great importance to these people, for this determines how well the crops
will grow and how edible they will be-there are rules governing this activity.
Field work conducted among the Kwoma by Whiting and Reed (1938) revealed that usually only men of the highest
status may plant yams or other important edibles. Magical rituals connected to growing of crops invariably have sex
and food taboos associated with them. The day before planting the man must eat only of a special soup that it is
believed would kill women or children who tasted it. And until the first shoots appear he may not chew areca nut
and if he wishes to smoke he must hold the cigarette in tweezers after another has rolled it for him. A yam garden is
endangered if its owner engages in sexual intercourse or if any of his helpers have been otherwise occupied. Any
direct or indirect contact with female genitals is harmful to yams. If despite all precautions there is a crop failure, it
will be attributed to sorcery.
MAGIC AND CONVENTIONAL RELIGION
Magical thinking is actually widespread among practitioners of conventional religions of the world. There is a
tendency in all religions to have some type of oblation-gifts, offerings, or sacrifices, as a way of interacting with the
supernatural. The supernatural can be “manipulated,” that is, to a limited degree can be influenced by certain
symbolic acts.
The magician was in many societies identical with the priest (Babylonia; Australia). The distinction between
magician and priest is hard to make. The priest’s functions comes into play once there is some sort of religious belief
system. Between the magician and “client” there is no lasting bond as among believers in the same faith or observers
of the same cult; the magician has a “clientele”, not a church. Priests of various religions are thought to have a
definite relationship between the deity in question and the community. The office of the priest is to propitiate the
gods and act as their mouthpiece. Priests have a kind of divine authority and are regarded, at least to some extent, as
sacred individuals.
Religious rituals are often magical in procedure, sometimes having religious purposes-such as communion with
God, and sometimes having definite practical purpose. For instance, in Catholic faith touching one’s hand to a
saint’s statute, kissing the icon, lighting a candle-have magical overtones. These are heartily approved by religious
authorities, and seem to be aimed at largely for practical effects, much the same motivation as with magical rites in
primitive cultures. Even the central part of the Mass-in which the priest pronounces the words of consecration that
causes transubstantiation and the resulting communion with God-is not different in any straightforward way from
magical rites in primitive cultures (Granted, the purpose of transubstantiation is a religious result-communion with
God, while most magical practices in nonreligious contexts are aimed at producing practical results). Masses today
are said for an individual’s “special intention,” so that the mere performance of the Mass is thought to have temporal
benefits contemplated by the individual for whom it is said. And other Catholic rituals are aimed at practical results,
such as processions with the priest around the village to bless the crops-Rogation Day. Nature and morality are
mutually dependent: that is, one needs to fulfill the ceremonies which tradition requires so as to help produce the
ultimate results.
Other religious rituals-again, magical in nature-pertain to ridding people of uncleanness, atonement for sins-the idea
being that misbehavior can be transformed or purified in the ritual (Homans, 1941).
Of course, not all religious rituals involve magic, but at the same time religious rituals of all kinds are thought by the
faithful to be a way of abating their sense of danger, for participants can appeal to a supernatural power to protect
themselves. This same principle applies in ordinary prayer of all faiths, where one appeals to one’s God.

PART IV: CONFLICT AND DEATH

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 167-171 167
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 13
Death by Suggestion: Voodoo Death, Taboo Death, and Pointing the Bone
Abstract. A phenomenon seen in primitive cultures is the occurrence of death by suggestion, in which strong
cultural beliefs-in the violation of a taboo, for instance-cause people to believe that they will suffer imminent
death or serious illness. The efficacy of these beliefs might best be explained by the phenomenon of autosuggestion
whereby the subject has become convinced that death is inevitable, and for all intents and purposes
gives up hope. A similar phenomenon has been reported in combat zones whereby soldiers may die of a
combination of anguish, confusion and severe mental and physical shock. In communities that experienced the
black plague in previous centuries many people died simply of fear of contracting an otherwise innocuous illness.
Cancer patients informed of their condition are known to die, as if hexed, before the malignancy develops to the
point where it could cause death. Voodoo is both a folk medical system and a means of casting spells. “Taboo
death” is a phenomenon whereby people will die as a consequence of violating some taboo: People of many
cultures believe that taboo violation carries automatic repercussions, even if inadvertent or accidental. The
individual may well undergo a sense of panic, hopelessness and stress resulting in death in a few hours upon
learning he has violated the taboo (e.g., eating a tabooed food, accidentally eating out of the chief’s bowl).
Another form of death by suggestion is “pointing the bone,” whereby someone with evil designs literally points a
bone at a targeted victim. Pointing the bone is thought to be so potent that the victim will be literally scared to
death, gripped by paralyzing fear, and may start to get extremely weak and die.
INTRODUCTION
Witchcraft in various forms, coupled with powerful beliefs on the victim’s part, can cause a sense of entrapment,
helplessness and hopelessness, resulting in death.
At least, that is what seems to be the case in communities where the belief in witchcraft is normative. To many in
the modern world the belief in witchcraft is a ridiculous superstition. Even in Europe, where the fear of witchcraft
became a mania that obsessed the population for centuries-initially with persecutions by the Church and later by the
secular authorities-eventually witchcraft trials fell into disfavor, witchcraft laws were repealed and accusations of
witchcraft were no longer given credence.
Still, certain beliefs, however ridiculous they may seem to the modern mind, can have a searing grip on people. The
efficacy of these beliefs might best be explained by the phenomenon of auto-suggestion. If you believe strongly
enough that something is harmful, your mind may be so taken with the belief that you might become, literally
speaking, frightened to death.
Cannon (1942) reported this account given by A. G. Leonard of individuals in the Lower Niger region who had been
bewitched:
I have seen more than one hardened old Hausea soldier dying steadily and by inches because he believed
himself to be bewitched; no nourishment or medicines that were given to him had the slightest effect
either to check the mischief or to improve his condition in any way, and nothing was able to divert him
from a fate which he considered inevitable. In the same way, and under very similar conditions, I have
seen Kru-men and others die in spite of every effort that was made to save them, simply because they had
made up their minds, not (as we thought at the time) to die, but that being in the clutch of malignant
demons they were bound to die (p. 169).
The accounts we will examine seem to be cases of “death by suggestion,” a situation in which the subject has
become convinced that death is inevitable, and for all intents and purposes gives up hope. This phenomenon has
been well documented in modern cultures. It is well known that fear and anxiety can have severe adverse effects on
surgical patients. A psychiatrist in the Spanish Civil War used the term, “malignant anxiety” (Gomez, 1982, p. 76) to
describe soldiers who died of a combination of anguish, confusion and severe mental and physical shock. The
outpouring of adrenalin with accompanying rapid pulse-the heart beating faster and faster-can push one into cardiac

168 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
arrest. In situations where patients are told they have malignant cancer, the patient may die, as if hexed, before the
malignancy develops to the point where it could cause death (Gomez, 1982, p. 79).
We will briefly discuss three types of “death by suggestion”- voodoo, pointing the bone, and taboo death. In these
situations the individual may well die as a consequence of giving up, caused by a sense of hopelessness in the face
of the suggestion that he faces imminent death. Often the victim will refuse food and water, thus hastening death by
dehydration.
VOODOO
Voodoo is a species of sorcery in which the victim is bewitched, falls ill and sometimes dies. It is a mix of African
religions, Catholicism and animism, and traces its origins to West Africa. It incorporates pagan elements that made
Christian missionaries uneasy, including casting of spells and worshiping spirits of nature. A voodoo spell might
cause the victim to suffer an acute and chronic illness short of death, or death itself.
At the same time, voodoo is a folk medical system. Practitioners can cast spells or help cure people from them.
Voodoo priests, known as houngans, lack any formal hierarchy, but have a national federation in Haiti. Voodoo
today is popular in Haiti and other Latin cultures, even among those who attend Christian churches. Voodoo is well
known the in American South along the Gulf Coast, especially in the vicinity of New Orleans, where it is known as
hoodoo. This region was settled by Haitian refugees following the island’s revolution in 1791. The immigrants
preserved their African religious rituals, language, gods.
Voodoo is known by a few different names: hoodoo, vodun, conjuring, root doctoring, black magic, and other
names. The French, veaudeau was used in the past to describe African magical and religious practices. That term
may have been derived from a West African term, juju, which means “black magic” (Maduro, 1975, p. 427).
Voodoo is a phenomenon with counterparts in many different parts of the world by other names: witchcraft or
sorcery, casting a spell, pointing the bone, etc.
According to Cannon (1942), the term “voodoo death” describes a mysterious “death by suggestion,” or
“thanatomania.” It is thought to be a psychosomatic or magical reaction that brings about an individual’s death. It is
also known as “terror death,” that is, a fatalistic acceptance that death is imminent, based on the victim’s belief that
sorcery can cause death. It has always been difficult to study actual cases scientifically, but there is substantial
evidence of voodoo deaths in numerous cultures, particularly in Australia, Melanesia, New Zealand, Africa,
Polynesia, and in Latin America.
Similar to other religious rites we discussed in chapter 11 in the section, “Trance-Possession and Charismatic
Religious Services,” people in hoodoo cultures encourage uplifting religious experiences involving trancepossession
states, where people are possessed by the Holy Spirit, speak in tongues and are permitted to “go crazy”
and vent their anguish and pain in the hoodoo temple.
However, at a certain point these uplifting states might become “abnormal,” in that the individual experiences
increasingly debilitating possession outside the hoodoo religious setting and becomes worried, feeling that the
possession has taken an evil turn. This may be accompanied by depression, worry, and listlessness. It is at this
juncture that people will seek a remedy from a hoodoo priest or priestess, believing that they have been “witched”
by someone practicing black magic. Like shamans and other healers, hoodoo priests usually go into a trance or
possession state in their healing protocols. Maduro (1975) observed with respect to hoodoo treatment for possession
that “folk treatments in the urban industrial context tend to reaffirm rural Southern values and to reintegrate an
individual into some meaningful social order” (p. 429).
Voodoo, then, like magic in general, can be used for good or for evil. Voodoo entered the popular culture of
France recently when someone decided to market a voodoo doll made in the image of President Nicolas Sarkozy.
This came with with 12 pins and a manual explaining how to put a curse on him, and was a best selling cult item
(Bennhold, 2008).

Death by Suggestion The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 169
TABOO DEATH
In cultures where fear of sorcery is prevalent, another sort of voodoo death has been reported, known as “taboo
death.” There are many documented cases in primitive cultures of taboo death, that is, death as a consequence of
violating some taboo. As we saw in chapter 6, “Totemism,” the violation of any taboo in these cultures is thought to
carry automatic repercussions, or sometimes a dead ancestor might be offended and wreak havoc. If the taboo that
one has violated-whether inadvertent or accidental-is a serious one, the individual may well undergo a sense of
panic, hopelessness and stress resulting in death in a few hours upon learning he has violated the taboo. The taboo
might be something such as eating out of the chief’s bowl or using the chief’s tinder box. However accidental the
occurrence, the violation of the taboo causes rapid death. As we have previously seen, in these same cultures
practically all illness is attributed to supernatural forces-often enough in response to a taboo violation.
A typical case would be like this: Someone is informed he has eaten a tabooed item or something that has been taken
from a tabooed place, or has accidentally eaten something that the chief has left over, or violated some other taboo.
The individual will be greatly possessed by fear, and simply die within a few hours.
In these instances it is the invisible power of spirits or dead ancestors that play a direct role in punishing the taboo
violation.
Again, we might explain this as autosuggestion, induced by the emotional state of the victim, grounded in his belief
system that he faces a certain death unless there is a shaman who can assist him in appeasing the spirits who are
offended by his conduct.
POINTING THE BONE
“Pointing the bone,” or “boning” is a magical influence of suggestion known in aboriginal Australia, Papua New
Guinea, and parts of Africa. It is in the same category as voodoo death.
If a witch-doctor or other practitioner with evil designs acts against you-by pointing a bone at you-the victim will be
gripped by paralyzing fear, and may start to get extremely weak and die unless the witch-doctor “retracts” the deed
(Cannon, 1942, p. 171). Anyone can do this, not just witch-doctors. One who desires to point the bone might simply
take up a kneeling position facing the doomed man coming down the path, lift the bone and point it at the victim,
saying:
May your skeleton become saturated with the foulness of my stick, so that your flesh will rot and its
stench attract the grubs which live in the ground, to come and devour it. May your bones turn to water and
soak into the sand, so that your spirit may never know your whereabouts. May the wind shrivel your skin
like a leaf before a fire, and your blood dry up like the mud in a clay-pan (Basedow, 1925, pp. 177-178).
One might also tie the claws of a bird of prey, preferably the eagle-hawk, to the pointing instrument. Thus, the evil
magic works like the grip of a bird, by clutching the doomed man’s chest and crushing it.
Levy-Bruhl (1926) commented that by pointing the bone “a magic stone proceeds from the body of the sorcerer to
the body of his victim-still invisibly-and, entering there, induces a fatal malady” (p. 62).
The belief that death inevitably results in a day or two as a result of pointing the bone is so firmly held by members
of these cultures that the victim readies himself for death, cooperates in the withdrawal from life, and is obsessed by
the knowledge that all others hold this conviction. This again suggests the role fear plays in the matter. One might
say these people become “scared to death,” literally.
A doctor reported this account from north-central Queenland:
So rooted sometimes is this belief on the part of the patient, that some enemy has “pointed” the bone at
him, that he will actually lie down and die, and succeed in the attempt, even at the expense of refusing

172 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 172-174
The Placebo Effect
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 14
Abstract. The phenomenon of death by suggestion, so often seen in primitive cultures, is linked to the modern
notion of the placebo effect. The role of suggestion in treatment-whether it is folk healing, shamanism, or other
practices-cannot be underestimated. In the placebo effect, almost any treatment will work, though medically inert,
so long as the patient is convinced that it has efficacy. The idea that a placebo pill will cure patients of illness is
so well established a phenomenon that in clinical trials control groups receive a placebo to compare their outcome
with those receiving the trial drug. The success rate of the placebo is in some cases as good as that of the genuine
drug. Shamans, witch-doctors and folk healers often rely on the patient’s strong belief that the cure will be
effective. The placebo effect may be an explanation for the apparently miraculous healings that sometimes occur
through prayer or other religious practices.
INTRODUCTION
The role of suggestion in healing has been well documented in what modern medicine calls the “placebo effect.”
The placebo effect is a phenomenon known to make almost any treatment appear to work, so long as the patient
hopes and believes it will. Treatments that science says do not work are still able-even likely-to work for patientsdue
to the placebo effect, which is essentially the belief in the efficacy of a cure. “The pill in which both patient and
doctor have faith may achieve remarkable results, however trivial its pharmacological content.... Indeed, the success
rate of the placebo is in some cases demonstrably as great as that of the genuine drug” (Thomas, 1971, p. 248).
We also have a phenomenon known as the reverse placebo effect (also called the nocebo effect), in which someone
who is cursed dies soon afterwards, as we saw in the previous chapter.
There are modern accounts of this in urban centers, primarily in the South, which is sometimes known as a “hexing
culture.” One documented case researched by Meador (1992) claims that a local man who had been hexed by a
voodoo priest and started to waste away, near death in the hospital. When his physician learned that the man had
been hexed, he concocted a “ceremony” in which he informed the patient that he, the doctor, had confronted the
voodoo priest, learned that the priest made the patient breathe in some lizard eggs that climbed down into his
stomach and hatched out some small lizards, and that he would extract them. The doctor gave the patient a powerful
emetic that caused him to vomit, then, with a lizard hidden in his hand, he slid the lizard into the basin into which
the patient had vomited, and called out in a loud voice: “Look what has come out of you! You are now cured. The
voodoo curse if lifted.” Meador reports that the patient quickly recovered.
Another documented case told of a patient who died believing he had widespread cancer, but an autopsy showed
only a 2 centimeter nodule of cancer, but that had caused no medical problems. The patient had believed,
incorrectly, that he had widespread cancer, a belief shared by his wife, family and his surgeons, but in fact he was
entirely free of anything organic that could have induced him to die. It is theorized that the physician, a figure or
authority and power, had persuaded the patient that he was soon going to die soon. Meador (1992), who was the
doctor who investigated this case, said:
If indeed we can cause something as drastic as death by what we say or how we act, then what lesser patterns of
behavior do we induce in our patients. How effectively do we persuade patients to get well or get sick? Is this
phenomenon operating whenever we talk to our patients? Is the ubiquitous placebo effect not just a strange trait of
the patient, but inducible by how the physician speaks and act? (p. 247)
This leads to the idea that suggestibility plays an important role in some deaths-based on the individual’s belief in
the authority and power of human persuasion.
Surgeons are often wary of operating on patients who believe they will die-because they often do. Under the nocebo
effect-nocebo meaning “I will harm”-dummy pills and negative expectations can produce harmful effects. It has also
been established that about 60 percent of patients who undergo chemotherapy start feeling sick before their

The Placebo Effect The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 173
treatment with what we might call “anticipatory nausea.” Overall, autopsies reveal that the certified causes of death
listed by physicians are wrong in at least a third of cases (Le Page, 2006).
The nocebo effect may help explain how symptoms of hysteria can spread from one person to a group-a
phenomenon known as Mass Psychogenic Illness which we will discuss in chapter 20 (“Mass Hysteria, Mass
Possession”).
The role of suggestion in treatment-whether it is folk healing, shamanism, or other practices-cannot be
underestimated. The mind influences the body. The cure is more likely to work if the patient has the expectation that
the treatment offered by the practitioner will be effective. In primitive cultures catharsis through confession of
wrongdoing for violating a taboo, or of offending someone who in turn may have bewitched the patient-may also
play a role. The idea that “confession is good for the soul” suggests that some measure of peace and equilibrium can
be established when one admits to wrongdoing-and this heightened sense of well-being can help give the patient a
positive outlook that helps promote a cure.
Group support by the patient’s kinsmen also comes into play.
The elements that go into healing are diverse: the physical setting, the practitioner-patient relationship, the patient’s
perceptions of his body and mind, and the patient’s belief in the efficacy of the treatment itself, whether herbs or
other remedies prescribed by the practitioner. Of course, it helps if the practitioner expresses to the patient that the
preparations contain impressive properties that have powerful effects.
So important is the placebo effect that in clinical trials conducted to get new drugs approved for the marketplace, a
control group is given placebos to see to what extent they report improvement compared to the group that receives
the actual drug being tested. In many instances, people receiving a placebo report improvement at rates very nearly
as promising as those receiving the real drug.
While conventional physicians might label certain folk healing or shamanic practices as “quackery,” nonetheless
these practitioners actually cure disease in their communities. One might argue that the efficacy of a shaman or
medicine-man depends on the susceptibility of the patient’s mind to influence. At the same time, within a given
cultural practice, specific healers might gain the reputation of being unreliable or “quacks,” while the people retain a
belief in the genuineness of the particular modality.
The placebo effect may be an explanation for the apparently miraculous healings that sometimes occur through
prayer or other religious practices. There is much evidence of miraculous healing of people who have become
caught up in charismatic movements. One example, discussed by Lebra (1972) involves the Dancing Religion,
which emerged in Japan after World War II, led by its charismatic founder, a farmer’s wife who believed that she
was the manifestation of the third messiah after Buddha and Christ. She was called Ogamisama (Great Goddess) by
her followers. Her following spread across the Pacific to Hawaii. There were many reports of post-conversion
healings of cancer, tumors, paralysis, asthma, bronchitis, tuberculosis, skin disease, muscle pain, tremors, seizures,
mental disorders, and so on.
It is impossible to tell whether the cures so effected at Lourdes, France, and at other sacred sites visited by pilgrims,
are due to the placebo effect or some actual spiritual intervention. The belief in the efficacy of the cure at Lourdes is
very similar to the belief of primitive cultures in the efficacy of their shaman’s healing rites. According to Frank
(1961), “The healing ceremonials at Lourdes, like those of primitive tribes, involve a climatic union of the patient,
his family, the larger group, and the supernatural world by means of a dramatic, emotionally charged, aesthetically
rich ritual that expresses and reinforces a shared ideology” (p. 59).
Shamans, to one degree or another, seek to arouse the patient’s faith in the healing protocol-although in these
communities the patients already have this belief, based on their cultural tradition and learned from an early age.
Shamans will often seek to convince patients that they are on the road to recovery, and thus create and create a
mindset that facilitates healing. The shaman’s emotional arousal, the evocation of faith, hope and trust, converge to
strengthen client expectations. Effective treatment of illness, according to Torrey (1986),

174 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
reflects one or more of four fundamental principles: a shared worldview between practitioner and client,
certain qualities of the practitioner, positive client expectations, and procedures that engender a sense of
mastery on the part of the client. Social influence and persuasion are apparent in each of these principles.
Much of the effectiveness of shamans rests on the fact that their concepts of sickness are the same as
those of their clients (p. 39).
The beneficial effects of a placebo-type treatment lie in its symbolic power. It gains its potency to the extent that the
patient believes that the physician is a healer. According to Frank (1961):
Physicians have always known that their ability to inspire expectant trust in a patient has something to do with the
success of treatment.... It may be mentioned that a patient’s expectations have been shown to affect his physiological
responses so powerfully as even to reverse the pharmacological action of a drug (pp. 65, 67).
The placebo effect has the ability to heal wounds in any number of ways, so long as the patient has a strongly held
belief in its efficacy. Frank (1961) found that by painting a wound with a brightly colored but inert dye and telling
the patient that the wound will be gone when the color wears off-this can be as effective as any other form of
treatment (p. 68).
Apparently, the emotional reaction to a placebo can change the physiology of the individual’s body. The
effectiveness of the placebo treatment is best with those patients who have favorable expectations. In communities
that place great trust in the shaman, people in general accept and respond to the symbols of treatment even though
they are medically inert. And to a significant extent, people in urban settings, according to a number of surveys,
believe they can heal their bodies using the power of their minds rather than traditional medicine.
Carey and Nagourney (2008) discussed a study in which two groups were told they would be receiving prescription
pain relievers that in fact were placebos. One group was told that each pill was priced at $2.50 per dose, and the
other group was told that their pill sold for ten cents per dose. The placebos had a strong effect on both groups: 85%
of the group with the expensive pills reported significant pain relief; and 61% of the group with the cheaper pills
reported significant pain relief. The study concluded that manipulation of price affected the expectations of the
drug’s benefit, despite the fact that everyone got a placebo. Still, both groups experienced strong pain relief.
A writer about the placebo effect mentions his late mother-in-law, Sarah, a concert pianist who developed painful
arthritis in her old age and found her doctors unable to provide satisfactory pain control. “So, being an independent,
take-charge sort of individual, she subscribed to Prevention magazine, in order to learn more about the multiple
remedies suggested in each month’s issue” for symptoms like hers. She announced “with great enthusiasm and
conviction” that this or that food supplement or capsule had practically cured her arthritis, although she regularly
replaced one regimen for a different one (Zuger, 2007)
This brief overview of the placebo effect is intended to help explain why it is that treatments regarded as medically
inert or worthless-nonetheless provide relief to patients. While in modern cultures people might be skeptical about
the efficacy of shamanic rituals to cure illness-in cultures where the practices prevail the people believe in it, and
there are impressive cure rates.
The placebo effect helps shed light on the tremendous role that the mind plays in healing. And in modern cultures
the placebo effect is so pervasive that people will swear by all sorts of treatments that doctors insist are not
medically effective.
Just as we saw in the preceding chapter how powerful the mind can instill fear sufficient to convince people that
they face imminent death-due to pointing the bone, voodoo, violating a taboo or fear from battlefield casualties-so it
is that the mind plays a powerful role in the cure of illness.

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 175-191 175
Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive Impulses, Enemies and War
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 15
Abstract. This chapter discusses the importance of aggression, in its various modes, not only as a means of
resolving conflicts, but as something important for group cohesion. Humans beings are universally capable of
aggressive behavior. A common theme is that if a harm has been done, the injured party or group feel they must
seek vengeance-by ceremonial fighting, revenge by sorcery, open discussion and argument, apology and
forgiveness, settlement of disputes at ceremonial feasts, by the payment of compensation, or other means. Many
groups believe that it is important to sustain traditional enmities with other groups, to promote solidarity within
the clan. A mild form of conflict is known as petty wrangling, perhaps consisting of teasing or arguing over
various privileges or prerogatives. In some cultures people will openly engage in violent displays of emotion-e.g.,
fights between spouses out in the open-with the expectation that others will intervene and prevent the situation
from escalating. Adultery is a common source of conflict-and is remedied by monetary compensation in some
cases and death of the offending party. An ancient and widespread way of settling conflicts is wergild, or blood
money, presently operative in many regions. Retaliation for acts of sorcery is quite common: For example, the
victim will engage in countermeasures to cast a spell on the suspected sorcerer. A pervasive phenomenon is the
idea of collective responsibility: This entails that people are collectively responsible for the acts of others in their
clan-for the individual only functions as a member of the group, there is tremendous strength of bond, and group
consciousness is more important than individual consciousness. A man’s improper sexual advances against a girl
from another tribe, for instance, may embroil whole villages until vengeance is exacted. Collective responsibility
even entails the idea that revenge can be exacted against anyone in the wrongdoer’s tribe. Collective
responsibility is the philosophy of modern day terrorists: the indiscriminate targeting of civilians of the enemy is
justified because they are collectively responsible for the policies of their government. In many cultures the
expression of anger or conflict, particularly by women, is highly improper, and emotional outbursts must be kept
in check. In many of these cultures there are periodic “rituals of rebellion,” in which people will express their
pent up anger at rulers and chiefs, or women at the men, singing and dancing lewdly. Rather than being socially
disruptive, these rituals are ways of integrating groups and forming social balance. Dueling in the West was a
long-standing mode in which men would resolve insults and minor disputes that impugned their honor. Lynching
in America was also a method by which mobs would enforce a code of honor by taking the law into their own
hands. In modern cultures today conflicts often take the form of vehement and unpleasantly sharp verbal attacks
against adversaries-in politics and other contexts.
IMPORTANCE OF CONFLICT FOR INTERNAL COHESION
As we all know, humans beings are universally capable of aggressive behavior. In nature, boldness has obvious
payoffs: Fearless animals explore new territory. They fight their way to the top of the dominance hierarchy, and are
first to get the food-and to win a desirable mate.
People in all societies have hostile impulses toward other human beings. Some people seem to have a greater
propensity towards aggression than others within their culture, while some cultures as a whole seem to have a
greater or less propensity towards aggression than other cultures. Stevens (2003) argues:
... [A]gression is a fundamental and ineradicable characteristic of all social mammals including man:
without aggression survival would be impossible; but survival also demands that aggression be
constrained (p. 263).
Even after laws are agreed upon to govern civil life, the brutish traits that Hobbes mentioned (see discussion, chapter
1) can manifest under pressure. The vicious traits of human beings may be restrained, or lie dormant, but they will
be unfurled in all their fury, sometimes quite easily, particularly in the face of an outrage to one’s honor or imminent
danger to life and limb. Stevens goes on to say:
Readiness to do battle is one of the less appealing characteristics of our species, but it is unfortunately
universal. Although some apparently peace-loving tribes have been described, they are invariably timid
peoples who have been driven into inhospitable enclaves by their more aggressive neighbours where they
have adapted to their circumstances by adopting a strategy of collective submissiveness (p. 269).

176 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Freud opened up a whole line of research that underscored the human propensity to violence and destruction. He
claimed that aggression is deeply rooted in human nature, and is as natural as sexual appetite and almost as easily
aroused. The source of aggression, according to Freud, is the death instinct that haunts our unconscious minds.
In a famous letter responding to Einstein's comment that humans have a very pronounced violent streak, Freud
wrote:
Conflicts of interest between man and man are resolved in principle, by the recourse to violence. It is the
same in the animal kingdom, from which man cannot claim exclusion.... Moreover, the slaughter of a foe
gratifies an instinctive craving.... Thus we see that, even within the group itself, the exercise of violence
cannot be avoided when conflicting interests are at stake.... You are amazed that it is so easy to infect men
with the war fever, and you surmise that man has in him an active instinct for hatred and destruction,
amenable to such stimulations. I entirely agree with you (as quoted in Einstein, 1960, pp. 192-197).
As a matter of simple human nature, it seems intuitive that if an injury is inflicted, people will feel they have a
justified basis to seek vengeance, and once that is achieved, they will feel satisfied. In primitive cultures, as we have
seen, there often is a restraint imposed on expression of emotions. Vengeance might then be covert-such as
witchcraft. Or, pent up grievances might erupt in bizarre ways-hysteria or possession, for instance-and we will see
more of this in chapter 19(“Culture-Bound Syndromes”). But in a great many cultures people do not feel compelled
to show restraint in venting their outraged emotions, preferring to show the community that no one can violate their
dignity without a valiant effort being made to set things right. Warner (1931) argues: “[I]f a harm has been done to
an individual or a group, it is felt by the injured people that they must repay the ones who have harmed them by an
injury that at least equals the one they have suffered” (p. 461).
In primitive cultures we often see informal social mechanisms for dealing with conflicts. Hoebel (1954) points out:
As for law, simple societies need little of it. If the more primitive societies are more lawless than the more
civilized, it is not in the sense that they are ipso facto more disorderly; quite the contrary. It is because
they are more homogeneous; relations are more direct and intimate; interests are shared by all in a solid
commonality; and there are fewer things to quarrel about. Because relations are more direct and intimate,
the primary, informal mechanisms of social control are more generally effective (p. 293).
In modern cultures “vengeance” may take the form of a lawsuit in which an aggrieved party seeks vindication of the
wrong through the judicial system. In criminal matters, the state has the exclusive right to inflict penalties against
wrongdoers. A modern parallel to conflict resolution is mediation where the parties come together in a formal
setting before an agreed upon mediator to state their position on fancied or actual grievances, with witnesses joining
in the proceedings, with a view towards reaching a harmonious resolution.
But, for the most part in primitive cultures, instead of lawsuits, wrongs of all kinds are regarded as matters to be
resolved by ceremonial fighting, revenge by sorcery, open discussion and argument, apology and forgiveness,
settlement of disputes at ceremonial feasts, or by the payment of compensation, perhaps at a funerary potlatch (see
chapter 17, “Potlatches”), whether of pigs, ornaments, shells or other valuables-or outright acts of vengeance such as
raids.
“Self-redress” is a frequent recourse for an aggrieved party. Often, vengeance will then be followed by counteraggression.
Witchcraft inflicted to get even with an enemy, for instance, might be followed by identifying the witch,
then counter-sorcery, as we saw in chapter 12 (“Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft”). This is particularly the case if an
entire clan is affected. Masumura (1977) found:
Self-redress may involve the use of physical force. Retaliation may lead to counterretaliation, and so on.
Vengeance is a common motive for aggression. Feuds are often vendettas; and the most prevalent goal of
primitive warfare is revenge (p. 388).
In West Africa today, particularly Ghana, it is customary for people to engage in what is called instant justice. For
instance, if you are robbed on the street, you shout an alarm and enlist the aid of bystanders, who will form a crowd
and beat the suspect, often to the point of death (Dzokoto & Adams, 2005, p. 56).

Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive Impulses, Enemies and War The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 177
While primitive cultures generally hold vengeance to be a virtue, in modern society we learn to control these
impulses, and channel aggression into benign substitutes. We teach children that using violence to get even is not
only morally wrong, but illegal, and that aggression must be defused or sublimated-to take a run or a cold shower
and thus work out one’s rage, for instance. Of course, aggression is not necessarily harmful or destructive; it can be
a creative strategy for attaining various appropriate ends, and a range of emotion can accompany aggression-not just
anger.
With tribes of the Wahgi Valley in the Western Highlands of Papua New Guinea, social approval surrounds overt
expressions of hostility. Before things got a bit on the tame side, the people believed that warfare between clans was
important because fertility in pigs, abundance in gardens and in human procreation were thought to be bound up
with warfare. Reay (1959) observed:
The natives believe that the clan can only increase if traditional enmities are carefully sustained.
Solidarity of the clan against its enemies is essential for the maintenance of order within the clan-oriented
community. The ritual expression of inter-clan conflict draws the community together (p. 290).
For primitives, killing of enemies is tied to the idea that “death feeds life, blood must be shed, the seed must fall into
the ground and die, to sustain life” (Keen, 1986, p. 28). To kill an enemy is to partake of the primal battle between
the forces of creation and of destruction. Once the enemy’s blood has been spilled, the war can end because the
sacrifice symbolizes the recreation of the cosmos. Keen further comments:
This symbolism explains much of the spirit of game, conscious drama, and play, that accompanies
primitive warfare. An Ojibway raiding party would sometimes ambush the Sioux and allow everybody
except one man to escape, because a single death allowed the war ritual to be completed, the dances to be
done, the purification to be completed, the victory to be celebrated (p. 28).
The primeval instinct, if we could call it that, to wreak vengeance against those who have dishonored us or
otherwise caused us harm, is familiar to all people in all periods in history. According to Bilz (2007),
[T]he basic urge for retribution is a cultural universal, across time and place, and it establishes itself early
in life. Some evidence even hints that non-human primates experience a retributive urge (p. 1063).
In many cultures the idea of destiny is foremost when engaging in war. As we previously observed, to the primitive
mind there is no such thing as chance. Success is not a matter of prowess, strength or courage, but of proper
ceremonies, chants, dances and magical preparations prior to the departure of the warriors, the wearing of charms to
protect the warriors, and the proper reading of omens during the campaign, deduced from everything the sentinels
see in their path. Weapons are treated as sacred objects after magical enchantments are performed over them. Since
magical operations are thought to be infallible, once magical preparations are finished, future success is guaranteed.
The future has already “happened.” The enemy’s weapons will malfunction, their vision will be clouded, they will
be caught off guard, they will be unable to defend themselves, their confidence will fail them, their magic will be
ineffective, their animals will be captured, and so on (Levy-Bruhl, 1923, pp. 324-327).
One of the functions of war, according to Wedgwood (1930), “is to strengthen the bonds of union between the
individuals of the fighting community and make them increasingly conscious that they are members of a single unit”
(p. 6). It is a bit of a paradox, but war seems to unify people; it affords an opportunity to participate in a common
effort; it enables men to come together and feel bonded in a common sacrifice.
They can get away from the pettiness of everyday life, and find in heroic effort a satisfaction, self-esteem and
meaning which everyday striving of individuals does not give. When an entire society takes on certain beliefs, a
culturally sanctioned way of expressing hostility can develop. Tensions and conflicts on the individual level give
way to a collective projection onto societal “scapegoats.” This was particularly observed during World War II, when
Americans were remarkably unified and motivated to contribute to the war effort against the “evil” empire of Japan
and the Nazi atrocities.

192 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 192-200
Treatment of the Dead
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 16
Abstract. There are diverse cultural and religious values concerning how people show respect for the dead, and
in beliefs about what happens to the soul after death. All cultures apparently believe that the body of the deceased
has a certain status that needs to be respected, as well as grave sites. In many cultures anyone’s death, except
perhaps for the very old, is attributed to sorcery. This may entail a revenge expedition or demand for
compensation. Ancestral worship is both an ancient and modern practice. The belief that the soul continues to live
after one dies extends to the idea that dead ancestors interact with the living in one way or another, that they take
an interest in the lives of loved ones, that they appreciate the prayers of the living. Ancestral shrines are often
built as a place to worship ancestors. Ancestors to whom obligations have not been discharged are liable not only
to withhold their guidance, but can be potentially dangerous by sending illness and disaster. The belief in ghosts
is widespread in primitive and modern cultures alike, and it is not uncommon for people to believe that they are
being harassed by ghosts in their homes. In honoring the dead, all cultures, now as in ancient times, have customs
regarding funeral rites and mourning, each unique in its own way, ranging from rock burial, cremation,
mummification, embalming, or feeding the corpse to carnivorous animals. A famous cremation ritual in Bali
involves a dance with strong emotional outbursts and the outright abuse of the corpses, and it is expected that
people will engage in the overt expression of hostility towards the deceased. Where practiced, mortuary
cannibalism is motivated by the belief was that by consuming another’s flesh, one acquires some characteristic of
the person eaten. In some cultures it is the custom to burn a dead person’s house and personal belongings, burn or
give away crops planted by the deceased, and avoid using the dead person’s name. In numerous cultures there is
great reverence shown for the skull of the deceased. Sometimes, after burial and the lapse of time, skulls are
unearthed in mortuary ceremonies, decorated and then given a secondary burial in caves or other sacred places. In
Madagascar there is a custom to open ancestral tombs for the purpose of rewrapping the corpses with new silk
shrouds every six or seven years.
CUSTOMARY RESPECT FOR DEAD BODIES AND GRAVESITES
There is great differences among cultures in how people show respect for the dead, and in beliefs about what happens
to the soul after death. There diverse cultural and religious values concerning the treatment of human remains, so that
different groups have different approaches to the treatment and disposition of dead bodies. All cultures apparently
believe that the body of the deceased has a certain status that needs to be respected. All cultures appear to treat dead
bodies with reverence-except in extreme cases where the deceased was an extraordinary public enemy.
The grave itself is everywhere regarded as a place of sanctity. Ancestral burial grounds are treated as sacred sites,
protected from desecration and looting. Interfering with a person’s buried remains is thought to be intrinsically badharmful
to the spirit of the deceased-just as if it were an assault on the person while alive. Virtually all religions
provide rituals and standards for the care, treatment and disposition of human remains. Proper observance of
funerary rites constitutes one of the most important aspects of of religious doctrines.
Author Robert Pogue Harrison (2003), in his book, The Dominion of the Dead, claims: “Human beings housed their
dead before they housed themselves” (p. 38). Harrison further states that many believe that the dead “perpetuate
their afterlives and promote the interests of the unborn” (p. 40), and protect and guide the living. Many believe that
the dead in effect give shelter to the living. According to Harrison, “It is impossible to overestimate how much
human culture owes, in principle and in origin, to the corpse-not the animal corpse in its sacrificial generosity but
the human corpse in its personification of loss” (p. 92).
The law in many countries strictly prohibits mistreatment of the dead and protects the sanctity of the grave from
unnecessary disturbance. The unauthorized disinterment of the human body has long been considered a crime under
common law. In the United States laws have long criminalized the desecration or interference with grave sites and
cemeteries. Many states recognize “[t]he right to have the body in the condition in which it was left by death,
without mutilation” (Infield v. Cope, 1954, p. 719). It is well established in the law that “[p]hysical mutilation of
remains may be expected to distress next of kin... [and] where they believe that the treatment will affect the afterlife
of the deceased, the impact inevitably is greater” (Kohn v. United States, 1984, p. 573).

Treatment of the Dead The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 193
Many laws make it illegal to engage in mining activities at cemeteries. For example, Arkansas’ statute on this point
reads: “It shall be unlawful... [to] mine, extract, or remove coal or any other mineral or substance from under or
beneath any cemetery, graveyard, or burying place in this state” (Ark. Code Ann. 5-39-211(a)(1), 1987). However,
as Gerstenblith (1995) found, many American laws pertaining to the desecration of grave sites were rarely, if ever,
applied to archaeological digs of Native American or other indigenous cultures.
As mentioned, across cultures there is a sanctity accorded not only to dead bodies, but to grave sites. Under common
law, “The place where the dead are deposited all civilized nations, and many barbarous ones, regard, in some
measure, at least, as consecrated ground” (Dwenger v. Geary, 1888, p. 112). Furthermore, “The ground once given
for the interment of a body is appropriated forever to that body.... Nothing but the most pressing public necessity
should ever cause the rest of the dead to be disturbed” (Brendle v. Reformed Congregation, 1859, p. 29).
DEATH ATTRIBUTED TO SORCERY
In many cultures anyone’s death, except perhaps for the very old, is attributed to sorcery. Modes of identifying the
sorcerer have varied from culture to culture, and clues might include deathbed comments made by the deceased. In
many primitive cultures there frequently would be an “inquest” to determine who caused a person’s death,
presumably by sorcery. And as we saw in chapter chapter 15 (“Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive Impulses,
Enemies and War”), once the sorcerer is identified, either compensation is to be exacted or a revenge expedition will
be sent out by the headman of the group affected by the death, for the purpose of killing the “murderer.” The
revenge expedition might result in the actual killing of the suspected sorcerer, or just a lot of fighting and quarreling,
ending with an exchange of women, of gifts, or other signs of peace.
Among the Nivkh people, death, even in old age, is generally attributed to evil forces at work, with the exception of
death by violence or from natural elements. The people believe that it is necessary to remove whatever evil spirit
remains lodged in the deceased’s body, for otherwise the spirit has the power to harm kin of the deceased. A ritual is
conducted to “exorcise” the spirit from the deceased. Some dogs are sacrificed at the funeral pier (by strangulation),
but a special dog, usually the deceased’s favorite, is thought to have the deceased’s soul reside in it for a while, so
that dog is saved and treated with special kindness for the rest of its life. The sacrificed dogs constitute the main
portion of the meal held at the cremation site.
In the modern world the idea of death by sorcery is equated as a bizarre superstition, and it is hard to find anyone
who seriously considers sorcery to be the cause of someone’s death. We have “modern” death certificates on which
the attending physician or coroner is expected to precisely list the cause of death. If a doctor were to indicate the
cause of death as “sorcery at the hand of another,” he or she would certainly be brought before the Board of Medical
Examiners and subjected to psychiatric evaluation!
But in a great many cultures, as we have seen in earlier chapters, harms of all kinds are attributed to hostile acts by
magicians-or else the explanation might the acts of an angry ghost, the evil eye, the violation of a taboo, or some
other spirit-based cause.
ANCESTRAL WORSHIP
The belief in the survival of personality in one form or another after death is apparently universal in world cultures
and goes back thousands of years. This belief usually entails that something of the dead person continues to have
power and to interact causally with the living-in spirit form or a more tangible ghost form, and that in any event the
dead seek to communicate with the living.
Ancestral worship is both an ancient and modern practice. In most cultures the belief that the soul continues to live
after one dies extends to the idea that dead ancestors interact with the living in one way or another, that they take an
interest in the lives of loved ones, that they appreciate the prayers of the living, and that the living need to show
respect for their ancestors.
Again quoting Robert Pogue Harrison (2003), “Human beings housed their dead before they housed themselves” (p.
38). He claims that the dead, “through the care of the living, perpetuate their afterlives and promote the interests of the

194 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
unborn” (p. 40), and protect and guide the living. Moreover, he claims that the dead in effect give shelter to the living:
“It is impossible to overestimate how much human culture owes, in principle and in origin, to the corpse...” (p. 92).
Dead ancestors are often viewed as members of the family who continue to have a relationship with the living,
particularly as guides, guardians and mentors. Thus, the living will honor their ancestors through rituals, offering
thanks for their protection. People throughout the world construct elaborate mortuary monuments and have
commemorative ceremonies and prayers for the dead. Messages from ancestors may come in dreams, visions, or in
spontaneous daily activities.
Many who embrace ancestral worship believe that prosperity depends only in part on hard work, and chiefly on the
favor of dead ancestors and other spirits. Often there are prayers or sacrifices made to dead ancestors to help
maintain good health, increase the number of livestock, and have success in one’s trading efforts.
For example, the Confucianist Chinese regard it as an important spiritual obligation to worship one’s deceased
ancestors. If properly revered, the dead are thought to have a protective role over the welfare of their family, and
will even bring good fortune to their descendants, but if ritual duties are not carried out, the dead will wreak havoc
on their survivors.
There are ancestral halls, memorial halls and temples in which descendants can worship their ancestors. People can
lease a space in the memorial hall of the temple and place their ancestral tablets there. They can visit and conduct
individual worship. Offerings are also conducted by Confucian monks and nuns.
In Chinese villages throughout the country people have communal celebrations in which they worship their
respective ancestors. In addition, families will construct an “ancestral house” where clan or lineage members can
gather to worship their ancestors. Also, in the homes of well-to-do Chinese, we find the ancestral shrine room in
which the ancestral tablets are kept and where the family worships their ancestors on a daily basis.
Today we consciously honor dead ancestors by naming children after an older or deceased relative. In many cultures
if an infant cries a lot the child is seeking to be named after a particular relative who is deceased; the deceased
relative is seeking to become the special guardian of the child; a magic priest is called in to investigate the situation,
and a new name will be given at some public gathering along with a potlatch or mask feast.
VINDICTIVE GHOSTS OF ANCESTORS
As we have seen, dead ancestors can be a double edged sword, not only helpful to the living, but downright harmful
if survivors are not vigilant in honoring them. The idea is that dead ancestors can remain around and interact, or try
to interact, with surviving kin-sometimes out of jealousy for those who are still alive. Ancestors to whom obligations
have not been discharged are liable not only to withhold their guidance, but can be potentially dangerous by sending
illness and disaster.
Thus, it is important to take great care in discharging customary duties to the dead. As further precautions, as we
will see, there are numerous strategies employed to help ward off ancestral ghosts, and failing that, there are
remedies to appease them and restore harmony.
People in many cultures believe that the souls of the dead initially stay close to their bodies, so that great reverence
must be shown in the way the corpse is laid to rest. Still, the dead might take the form of ghosts, occupying a
nebulous space and coming in and out of material manifestation. The belief in ghosts contemplates that the dead
survive for a certain time as “living beings” of a different type than ourselves, with impaired capacities to participate
in the world. Many think that the dead are, at least for a time, lonely and forsaken, and that they want surviving
relatives to join them.
Phenomena such as bad storms are thought to be caused by the recently departed. No matter how well-disposed
during their lifetime, many believe that the deceased are quite capable of injuring their survivors, particularly if they
are displeased with the behavior or attitude of survivors towards them. If ghosts are displeased, they might seek
revenge upon the living and bring them sickness and even death.

Part V: STATUS AND WEALTH

Potlatches
The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 201-206 201
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 17
Abstract. The social practice known as potlatches prevails to this day primarily among tribes of the North
American Indians and cultures of Melanesia. Potlatches are part of an economic system that is based on
compulsory gift-giving. Potlatches are given to display wealth of the host, to distribute gifts to mark a milestone-a
funeral, a wedding, initiation, the conferral of a title, the completion of a project, or as a means of addressing
grievances or announcing a vendetta. Potlatches involve feasting, dancing, giving of gifts by the host, and selfglorifying
speeches by the host and his cohorts. There tends to be a conspicuous display of wealth, and this may
involve the destruction of property as a way of validating rank or status. Gifts are such things as cloth, blankets,
pots and pans, clocks, sewing machines, tables, shawls, and consumables such as meat, fat and skins. The gifts
are supposed to be a demonstration of the excess or abundance that the host has available. Potlatches are
analogous to the practice of giving a lavish party is a means of displaying wealth and garnering the admiration
(and envy) that it invariably evokes. Potlatches are regarded by the people as crucial to gain prestige in the
community.
INTRODUCTION
Do you enjoy throwing a lavish party to impress your guests? If you attend a wedding are you mindful of the efforts
that went into making the occasion an impressive one for those in attendance? Have you ever gone into debt in order
to pay the costs of an expensive wedding or other event? If so, you can readily identify with a custom among Native
Americans and the Inuits that carries with it significant prestige, known as the potlatch. The practice of potlatch
arose initially in the Northwest Indian tribes around British Columbia and apparently spread from there. It is an
occasion, sometimes referred to as a “party, usually to mark a milestone or special occasion, and where there is
conspicuous giving by the host to guests.
The word “potlatch” is derived from Chinook trade jargon that was brought north by prospectors in the late 19th
century. A potlatch is any formal distribution of gifts connected to a particular event, such as a funeral, marriage or
to celebrate the completion of a building.
Potlatches are part of an economic system that is based on compulsory gift-giving. During these gatherings, there
will be feasting, dancing and giving away as well as conspicuous destruction of property-a bizarre phenomenon
discussed below. The host invites people from the community who, custom has it, are expected to be appreciative
and purposeful in attending the event. The host and his family acquire significant prestige, distinctions and
privileges from the public good will generated.
The greater the gift, the greater becomes the status of the giver in the community. Potlatching invariably generates
rivalry, as it is the unquestioned custom that each gift carries with it the obligation to reciprocate, mainly among the
big chiefs. Each one tries to outdo in giving what his rival has done.
When giving away of property seems inadequate to outdo one’s rival, the next step is to destroy property or, in past
times, to kill some of one’s slaves, in full view of his guests.
In primitive cultures that do not embrace potlatches, there is a counterpart of sorts in the custom of feasts. Feasts are
given to commemorate someone’s death or a successful recovery from illness, to pay for services rendered in house
building, to pay an ally for his assistance in battle, to celebrate initiation or marriage, to signal the termination of
minor disputes, or to seal the peace after a serious conflict. But feasts are not normally public displays of gift giving
as we see in potlatches. And in the West, the guests at weddings, birthdays, anniversaries, and other special
occasions are the ones who give gifts, not the other way around as in potlatches.
Potlatches are usually given to signal a transition from one stage of life to another, and thus is usually a festive
occasion-birth, marriage, initiation, reconciliation-to mark the transition from childhood to adult, to mark a young
boy’s or girl’s first successful harvest of food, or a girl’s first menses. Potlatches are not always festive occasions:

202 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Funerary potlatches are held to commemorate and honor the deceased, and other solemn potlatches serve as a means
of addressing grievances or announcing a vendetta. In earlier times a potlatch was also given as a way of
compensating for serious offenses, such as murder.
A potlatch might also be given to gather witnesses to a ceremony in which the host takes claim to an entitlement,
such a new crest. A potlatch might be held to apologize for a quarrel or to save face in connection with an awkward
incident, or to settle debts. It might be held as a way of removing shame, i.e., “covering” one’s shame, in response to
a situation such as an accident (e.g., capsizing in a canoe). Sometimes the potlatch will be an exchange between
different social groups rather than between individuals.
Potlatches are not merely displays of wealth or occasions for giving, but according to Walker (2007), are often
imbued with significant spiritual dimensions, maintaining social and spiritual balance, affirming ties with
ancestors. They are governed by strict protocols and function simultaneously as a religious, social,
political and legal institution (p. 29).
The dominant explanation for potlatches is prestige: Rank or status is validated through displays, destruction and
distribution of wealth. The gifts distributed to guests “validate” the business of the feast and garner political support
for the hosts. This is particularly so at proclamation potlatches: By attending the event, guests, as witnesses,
recognize the ceremony in which the host seeks to legitimize his hereditary names, rank, prerogatives, crests,
dances, land rights, or whatever it is that is the subject of the feast. In other situations, such as a mortuary potlatch,
the guests attend to do honor to the person who has died, but there is still a display of wealth and distribution of
gifts. There tends to be a “self-glorification” on the host’s part with the conspicuous display of wealth, a kind of
materialistic, in-your-face competition, even though the occasion might be a sacred one such as a funerary potlatch.
A potlatch often, but not always, creates obligations between host and guests-particularly the guests who are rivals
of the host. The gifts carry with them an implied obligation of a counter-gift, a payoff in the future, and custom has
it that a rival must reciprocate with gifts of greater value. So, if a guest receives thirty blankets at a potlatch, he
would likely give to the host, at a later potlatch, forty blankets or more, assuming the donor and donee are of equal
rank. Higher ranking guests always receive the more valuable gifts.
Because potlatches can get out of hand-with people borrowing money or goods and incurring great debts with high
interest to pay for the events-the authorities have from time to time sought to ban the practice. Missionaries and civil
authorities suppressed potlatches, and for about 70 years they were legally banned in Canada, Alaska, Oregon and
Washington State) Walker, 2007, p. 29). For example, Canada’s Indian Act of 1885 made any potlatching illegal.
The act was intended to help assimilate the Indians into modern society, and to discourage the potlatching economic
system-in which commodities were not bartered or exchanged, but gifted or destroyed, thus mocking the entire
system of capitalism. These anti-potlatch laws were designed to suppress native traditions and to force assimilation,
but were gradually repealed.
According to Simeone (1998), the potlatch survives today mainly among Native Americans in the Pacific
Northwest. Some potlatches are small in scale (e.g., to mark a girl’s first menses) and involve only the immediate
community. Large potlatches are for the death of an older person or to commemorate someone’s recovery from a
severe illness or accident, and involve several communities. The social status of the person for whom the potlatch is
given also dictates the scale of the potlatch, just as in modern society the scale of, say, a wedding celebration will
depend on the wealth and social status of the families involved.
Potlatches in these cultures are obligatory, not voluntary, because through the potlatches different groups are held
together. Some potlatches seem to be an exaggerated expression of vanity or narcissism, while other potlatches seem
to be a way of garnering social recognition and prestige.
The potlatch has always been a curiosity that defies psychological interpretation, but essentially the potlatch is a
culturally sanctioned way of enhancing one’s rank or status. The overriding point of the potlatch is to produce good
will, to enhance the prestige of the host, and to flatter others by recognizing their relative social worth. Guests are
always thanked for coming, for watching and for making complimentary speeches.

Potlatches The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 203
In potlatches we have not only dancing, eating and of course
the distribution of gifts-sometimes obtained by incurring great debts-but self-glorifying speeches by the host and his
cohorts, together with “ridicule and score heaped publicly upon one’s opponents, who were, according to their
customs, also their invited guests” (Benedict, 1934, p. 191).
Most of the gifts are such things as cloth, blankets, pots and pans, clocks, sewing machines, tables, shawls. In some
instances gifts consist of consumables such as meat, fat and skins. The gifts are supposed to be a demonstration of
the excess or abundance that the host has available.
Potlatches differ among different Indian tribes and the Inuits as to the occasions for which they are given, the
frequency in which they occur, the guests who are invited, and the gifts that are given. In all instances, the potlatch
is a ritual in which guests are witnesses to the rite of passage or other purpose for which it is held. Status, rank, and
maneuvering of social roles all tie into the potlatch.
The main reason why authorities sought to ban potlatches was the apparently irrational behavior, particularly of
chiefs, in the peculiar custom of destroying valuable property in front of everyone. To chiefs, potlatches were a kind
of contest in which the goal was to advertise his greatness and to vanquish his rival. Destroying property at a
potlatch was a competitive act against the host’s main rival in the community, a way of showing that he is stronger,
more powerful and more brazen than his rival.
For instance, among the Native Americans of the Northwest Coast, a chief might destroy valuable “coppers” at
potlatches. These were sheets of beaten copper, purchased for enormous prices, and constituted a chief’s most
prestigious and valuable possession. The coppers were usually shaped into shields and engraved with prestigious
emblems and other symbols from the owner’s crest, and usually tinted with colors. Some were of exceptional beauty
and can be seen today in museums that have collections of Native American art. Each sheet of copper had very small
intrinsic worth, yet cost as much as ten thousand blankets. It should be noted that the Indians accidentally discovered
copper, and ascribed its origin to supernatural powers; it represented their bond with the supernatural world, and
became a symbol of power and wealth.
Coppers were important in documenting important events such as births or marriages, at which the host would break
off part of the copper and distribute it to important guests.
However, coppers were particularly important in situations where the host wished to humiliate a rival. The host
would take a sheet of copper and break off a piece and give it to his rival, or destroy it in front of everyone by
casting it into the fire or into the sea. In doing so, according to Benedict (1934),
[h]e was then stripped of his wealth; but he had acquired unparalleled prestige. He had gained the final
advantage over his rival, who had to destroy a copper of equal value or retire in defeat from the contest (p.
195).
Surprisingly, the value of a copper increased as its owner broke it up and thus reduced its size.
In order to avoid disgrace, the rival would need to throw a bigger potlatch at which he would break a copper at least
of equal worth, but in order to outdo his rival he would need to break an even more valuable copper of his own.
As an alternative to breaking coppers, the host might have his servants break up a number of his canoes and bring
the pieces to hurl into the fire. Or, great quantities of valuable candlefish oil would be consumed as well as
destroyed. Benedict offers this:
The oil was fed lavishly to the guests, and it was also poured upon the fire. Since the guests sat near the
fire, the heat of the burning oil caused them intense discomfort, and this also was reckoned as part of the
contest. In order to save themselves from shame, they had to lie unmoved in their places, though the fire
blazed up and caught the rafters of the house. The host must exhibit the most complete indifference to the

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 207-211 207
Status, Prestige, Recognition-the Need for Social Approval
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 18
Abstract. All people have the need for status, prestige and social approval, often expressed and manifested in
diverse ways, such as the potlatches discussed in the preceding chapter. The ways people seek acceptance in
one’s group and acquire esteem, prestige, and power in the community, take different forms-varying from merit
achieved after a successful fishing expedition, to performers of a dance carried out with exceptional skill, to
winning races, matches or sporting contests. The possession of certain goods will confer prestige on the owner,
although the item might be relatively insignificant to outsiders. For example, in parts of Papua New Guinea the
most highly prized item of prestige is a pair of rounded pig’s tusks, which are worn on ceremonial occasions only
by elderly. Prestige may come from the right to certain names, or the right to perform certain rituals. Prestige may
come from various honors, titles, or powers conferred by inheritance, such as the right to use certain songs and
dances, or to use particular kinds of magic. Prestige may come from membership in certain clubs or, in
Melanesia, the local secret men’s society. In Asian cultures social approval is associated with the concept of
“face.” Losing face, by committing a socially disapproved act, is so humiliating that people can be driven to
suicide.
INTRODUCTION
All cultures appear to display a group tendency to recognize that certain people or categories of people are socially
more important than others. Along with this, people in all cultures have a basic desire, if not an inherent need, for
social approval, to achieve prestige or social status-the “need for positive affect.”
Status seeking is something hard-wired in human nature, no matter how much people might strive to come across as
humble and modest or “egoless.” The highly-acclaimed book by Vance Packard, The Status Seekers, which was a
best seller in the 1960s, makes it clear how strong a drive status seeking is for practically everyone in American
society. It is extremely hard to be immune from the influence of the advertising industry, not to mention peer
pressure, to acquire those things that are thought to be status symbols in our particular time and place.
For the most part this drive for status is in our everyday awareness. Plato in his Republic identified a part of the soul
called thymos, or spiritedness. This thymos demands that other people recognize our worth or dignity. Given we are
gregarious animals, we like to be in sight of our fellows and have an innate propensity to wish to be noticed, and
noticed favorably, by others. To remain absolutely unnoticed or to be treated as if we were non-existing things,
results in a kind of rage, despair, alienation.
The ways people seek acceptance in one’s group and, by extension, acquire esteem, prestige, and power in the
community, take different forms as laid down by the particular culture. In some cultures individual merit always is
attained after a successful fishing expedition; in others, performers of a dance carried out in unison with exceptional
skill and grace brings special prestige. And practically everywhere the winners of races, matches or sporting contests
attain significant public approval, not to mention the attentions of eligible young women.
Throughout history, wars are launched by rulers more as a demand for recognition of dominion or sovereignty rather
than for land or money. This seems to be an inherent need in animals as well as humans. Animals often sort
themselves into dominance hierarchies (pecking order), as a struggle for recognition.
In this chapter we will explore different elements of prestige and status across cultures, ranging from goods,
animals, prerogatives and other intangible rights, and titles. We will also explore the social concept of “face,” and
other related issues.
PRESTIGE GOODS AND ANIMALS
The possession of certain things that people in a culture hold to be prestigious confers prestige on the owner,
although the item might be relatively insignificant to outsiders. For instance, according to Groves (1934), in the

208 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Huon peninsula of Papua New Guinea, the most highly prized individual item of prestige is a pair of rounded pig’s
tusks, which are worn on ceremonial occasions suspended from a cord around the neck. These tusks are made
available only from one bigman to another. Possession of a pair of these tusks is generally regarded as evidence of
one’s relatively high status in the community.
Property of prestige among the Nivkh include ceremonial weapons, metal kettles (especially tripods of Japanese
workmanship), Chinese tobacco pipes, bows and arrows, quivers, knives of fine workmanship (used for ritual or
special purposes), daggers, and Japanese swords, pelts and furs, especially the lynx fur, Chinese silks. Some of these
riches are destroyed at the funeral of the man who was lucky enough to amass them.
The dog is also an important status symbol to the Nivkh. One’s worth is measured by the number and quality of
one’s dog teams, in addition to other prestige goods. Dogs are slaughtered and their meat eaten only in ritual
contexts. The dog is a powerful symbol, having multiple meanings. Dogs eat the same food as the people do in
Nivkh culture, mainly fish and seal blubber. A female dog is always given with other bride-gifts, and is thought to
be protection from evil influences. Dogs in general are seen as mediators between the human and the divine. Dogs
are supposed to see and hear spirits.
PRESTIGE IN PREROGATIVES
Many cultures have property rights to art designs, names, rituals and honors. And various honors, titles, powers,
rights and names are conferred by inheritance.
Artists in numerous cultures (e.g., Papua New Guinea) own designs that are inherited, so that if you want to have a
certain crocodile design carved on the front of your canoe, you can’t do it unless you pay this artist. Usually one
pays for the artist’s right to the design and the artist’s labor, as two separate things.
For the Indians of the Pacific Northwest, as discussed by Ruth Benedict, the things that were supremely valued were
prerogatives rather than material possessions. Names, myths, songs, and privileges were the things that made up a
man’s wealth. Thus, for the Blackfoot Indians certain songs and ritual knowledge were items of property that could
be bought and sold, and were more important to prestige than bravery and war deeds. Also important to prestige
were horses, medicine pipes, painted tipis, war charms, and war bonnets.
These prerogatives constituted property owned by individuals who singly and exclusively exercised the rights which
they conveyed. Nobility titles in particular were a high status property. People assumed titular names according to
their rights of inheritance and financial ability; these were also used as personal names.
In the Pacific Northwest and in many other cultures names were a high status item that depended on one’s lineage,
one’s wealth and one’s overall status in the tribe. As we saw in the preceding chapter, often the purpose of a potlatch
will be for the host to announce a new name, together with its associated prerogatives, before the invited guests.
The Blackfoots would buy and sell visions of others for one’s social prestige; they were the basis of the tribal
economic system, and they were readily salable commodities. One purchases the songs, the taboos, the “power,” and
the right of performing the ceremony that goes with the vision.
In many cultures tangible and intangible resources-such as the right to use certain songs and dances, or to use
particular kinds of magic-are hereditary. And often these rights carry with them implied responsibilities over the
well-being of others. Smith (2002) found that in Papua New Guinea, the bigman with primary rights to the magic for
growing taro, for example, bears responsibility for supervising production of this highly important crop. A great deal
that goes on in the village bears on the productivity of taro gardens. Too much unresolved anger and disharmony can
weaken the taro magic; or simply neglecting to clear ground, plant, and weed with sufficient energy can render futile
a bigman’s magical efforts. So, responsibility for magical husbandry of taro brings with it the right and the
responsibility to play a prominent role in many spheres of village life (p. 111).
Prestige in many cultures may involve obtaining membership in some group or club. For young men throughout
Africa, Oceania and Melanesia, it is imperative to become initiated into the local secret men’s society. It is almost

Status, Prestige, Recognition-the Need for Social Approval The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 209
unthinkable to refuse-so important is the prestige of membership. In the West, schools have their own elements of
prestige-often conferred simply by being a member of the “in” group. In modern society many young men and
women find it important to join a fraternity or sorority in college, not only for the friendship and fun, but for the
prestige accorded such membership. Indeed, what college you attend, in and of itself, can confer a measure of
prestige, depending on whether it is Ivy League or or other factors. And throughout the world prestige is associated
with membership in exclusive country clubs, yacht clubs, and innumerable other clubs that seek to distinguish
members from nonmembers by class and financial status.
The kind of organizations that confer prestige is boundless. Prestigious clubs also include the Tobacco Society of the
Crow Indians, or of the Nevinbur of the Malekula. Being a shaman or becoming an apprentice of a shaman is
something that confers prestige in the given community. Prestige of sorts is even conferred-within certain
subcultures-on those who become a member of a revolutionary society such as a radical Islamic group or political
extremists who join a secessionist movement, or members of a gang in the urban West.
SOCIAL TRAITS THAT CONFER PRESTIGE. TITLES
Titles such as count or duke have for centuries been the hallmark of prestige in the U.K. and Europe. Titles such as
“Prince of Wales” and many other titles associated with royalty or with the “landed aristocracy”-carry prestige of
almost mythic proportions for the holder. Some titles can be sold by those who are willing to relinquish them for a
price-and auctions are held each year for the waning number of aristocrats who find it necessary to resort to this.
Often a title confers nothing more than the prerogative of the sovereign to bestow it on someone who has attained
some sort of public favor. For example, each year the Queen of England bestows knighthood on various individuals
who have distinguished themselves in the arts, science, public service or in other fields. Knighthoods are a highly
coveted, almost unsurpassed, form of prestige in the U.K.
In other cultures the use of certain titles is also an important prestige element. The term don is conferred among
Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, and Latin-Americans as a social reward, a title of respect, on certain men. When a
man receives the term don it becomes a part of his name, as in Don Juan (used with the given name, not the
surname). Romano (1960) found that the term don represents “successful masculinity” (p. 975). The term is used for
curanderos as well as wealthy businessmen, political officials, and very old men (For a discussion of curanderos, see
chapter 21, “Folk Medicine”). According to Romano, the term don signifies respect of the community for the man
who has achieved a certain air of social distance, urbanity, education (albeit self-styled), good manners, cleverness
in verbal dueling, and is above the envy and gossip that brews in his culture.
In these cultures respect is achieved by maintaining a formal relationship with the community, so that a man avoids
close associations with people other than his kin, remains aloof, and delegates tasks such as recruitment of labor to
his children.
THE CONCEPT OF “FACE”
In China and other Asian cultures, social approval is associated with the concept of “face.” Of course, we all seek
respect of our group and want to be perceived as decent human beings by others. But in China, according to Hu
(1944), condemnation or disapproval by the group, i.e., to lose face (to lose lien), causes severe humiliation to the
individual. Much activity in Chinese culture is based on trust, so that the loss of confidence in someone’s integrity is
especially dreaded.
In Chinese villages, if someone commits an irresponsible or immoral act, others will openly express their
indignation, sometimes in public, thus attracting a crowd and making the other party “lose lien.” Hu states:
A serious infraction of the moral code of society, once come to the notice of the public, is a blemish on
the character of the individual and excites a great deal of comment. A fraud detected, a crime exposed,
meanness, poor judgment, lies told for one’s own profit, unfaithfulness while in office, a broken promise,
the cheating of a customer, a married man making love to a young girl.. (p. 46).

PART VI: CULTURAL PHENOMENA AND FOLK MEDICINE

212 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 212-229
Culture-Bound Syndromes
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 19
Abstract. Culture-bound syndromes are patterns of abnormal behavior that occur exclusively within certain
cultural groups. This topic brings into consideration the question, just what constitutes a mental disorder?
Culture-bound syndromes often involve bizarre behavior that in the West might defy categorization. It is
important to take into account an individual’s ethnic and cultural context in evaluating whether a mental disorder
really exists. Deviant behavior in one cultural setting might be acceptable, even praiseworthy, in another. For
example, for Native Americans it is normal to hear voices when alone, whereas this could be diagnosed as
schizophrenia by conventional psychiatrists. A widespread culture-bound syndrome is running amok, also known
as longlong, whereby the individual will become very agitated and run about, stealing things, trampling crops,
chasing people and demanding things to be given to him. In Papua New Guinea longlong is regarded as an
institutionalized means for reduction of tension, a temporary escape from unbearable situations. Another culturebound
syndrome, lulu, is characterized by a generalized shaking of the body, distorted mental perceptions and
bizarre behavior. Arctic hysteria is similar to running amok, and is found mainly among the Inuits of North
America; it involves screaming, tearing off clothing and running naked into the snow. Bebainan is a type of
anxiety or hysteria characterized by feelings of confusion, dizziness, trembling, blurring of vision, a cold
sensation spreading through the body, a vacant feeling, and a loss of desire or will. Hwa-Byung seems localized
among Koreans and Korean-Americans and is similar in symptoms to bebainan, but may also include physical
symptoms such as there heart palpitations, headaches, chronic indigestion, poor appetite, and vomiting of blood.
Taijin-kyofu-sho, common in Japan where saving face is so important, is a kind of phobia in which people are
fearful of offending others in social situations through awkward behavior, imperfect body features, or imagined
shortcomings. Koro is prevalent in Asia and India and involves intense anxiety, for men, that the penis will recede
into the body and possibly cause death, and for women that the vulva and the nipples will recede. Susto or “soul
loss” is a highly prevalent among Mexicans and Latin Americans, and is a kind of nervous breakdown, perhaps
triggered by a frightening or traumatic event. The soul is said to literally be expelled from one’s body, and one
might immediately start to feel “ill from fright.” A related syndrome is ataques de nervos, accompanied by
weakness dizziness and disorientation. Similarly, saldero involves anxiety, depression, crying, poor
concentration, insomnia, etc. Latah, confined mainly to Malaysia, involves lewd, disorganized outburst in public.
Piot, a syndrome unique to Papua New Guinea, usually affects an entire family and occurs when a guest arrives
or leaves the home; symptoms include headaches and an unusual lassitude. Windigo psychosis, among the
Northern Algonkian Indians, was a compulsion to commit cannibalism, despite norms against it, and despite the
individual’s personal sense of repugnance in the act. Pica and geophagia are found in diverse cultures, and
involves a compulsion to eat unsuitable or unusual things, such as wood, clay, stones, ashes, hair, plaster or
laundry starch.
WHAT ARE CULTURE-BOUND SYNDROMES?
Culture-bound syndromes are patterns of abnormal behavior that occur exclusively among particular societies or
culture areas. Indigenous people consider these to be “illnesses” or “afflictions,” but we only rarely see these behavior
patterns in the West. Similarly, some disorders that are prevalent in the West are all but absent in other cultures. For
instance, anorexia and other eating disorders that have been prevalent in the West are rare or absent in other cultures
(DSM-IV-TR, p. 898). Many anthropologists and psychiatrists agree that “psychiatric illness tends to manifest itself in
forms that reflect the cultural expectations of the society in which it occurs” (Levack, 1995, p. 1621).
Anthropologists have been the chief source of information about culture-bound syndromes. Culture-bound
syndromes are defined as “aberrant forms of behavior often interpreted as mental disorder by Western-trained
observers, but nonetheless seemingly restricted to given cultural situations” (Kenny, 1985, p. 164). Thus, culturebound
syndromes involve certain bizarre behavior patterns that are localized in certain cultures, and are seldom ever
found outside those cultures. These strange behaviors do not fit conventional, i.e., Western, diagnostic categories.
As Freud and others have observed, mental illness often stems from a person’s refusal to admit, even to himself,
certain bottled up impulses. Many of the culture-bound syndromes seem to have somaticized symptoms, and occur
in cultures where, as we will see, people tend to bottle up their emotions, particularly anger or hostility.

Culture-Bound Syndromes The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 213
JUST WHAT CONSTITUTES A MENTAL DISORDER?
Culture-bound syndromes often involve bizarre behavior that in the West might defy categorization, or be relegated
to schizophrenia or hysteria.
To be sure, the symptoms are distressing and disruptive, but to the people of the particular cultures, the symptoms
are common enough so as to not be viewed with alarm. The patient experiences some sort of distress and for a time
is unable to fulfill one’s usual social functions, but the symptoms are not regarded as psychiatric in nature.
Indigenous people will treat culture-bound syndromes with folk remedies, shamanic healing, or the symptoms will
simply be allowed to run their course. These localized syndromes usually have local names, and we will discuss a
few of them below.
The issue of how “mental disorder” should be defined is somewhat controversial. It is difficult to see how “mental
disorder” can be universally defined across cultures because of a fundamental difference in local social practices,
values, cultural and even scientific beliefs. Particularly in recent years, it has become apparent that what constitutes a
mental disorder depends entirely on the context, on social identity, and on the proper interpretation of cultural factors.
People can perceive reality in fundamentally different ways, yet be clearly sane. People in primitive cultures believe
the world is populated by a variety of unseen creatures, ghosts, witches, spirits, demons, and that animals have souls
that can come back and harm you unless you make amends to them after a hunt. We might find their criteria for
perceiving reality to be fundamentally at odds with modern criteria, yet they are perfectly sane.
The DSM-IV-TR states that it is important to take into account an individual’s ethnic and cultural context in
evaluating whether a mental disorder really exists. The cultural identity and the degree of involvement with the
culture of origin are important factors to consider. A person’s culture may have particular explanations or
interpretations of symptoms of distress, e.g., evil spirits, violation of a taboo, or other cultural explanations that do
not fit into Western psychiatric theory (DSM-IV-TR, p. 897).
Deviant behavior in one cultural setting might be acceptable, even praiseworthy, in another. What is considered
dysfunctional or crazy in the West (e.g., seeing ghosts, hearing voices when no one is present) may be perfectly
normal in other cultures. In some cultures it is common for people to have vivid feelings of being visited by deceased
ancestors, while in our culture these might be considered to be hallucinations or delusions indicative of psychosis.
In recent times in the West there has been an epidemic of sorts of people claiming they have seen aliens from other
worlds or have been abducted by them, and then returned to Earth after experiments were conducted on their bodies.
Depending on how you look at it, these people could be considered schizophrenic, but a number of mainstream
scientists and mental health professionals have argued that the reality of purported abductions cannot be entirely
ruled out. A notable Harvard psychiatrist, Dr. John Edward Mack wrote a book of his research from interviewing
abductees, entitled Alien Abduction: Creating a Modern Phenomenon (1994).
For Native Americans it is normal to hear voices when alone, whereas this could be diagnosed as schizophrenia by
conventional psychiatrists. The idea that illness is caused by malevolent spirits, the curse of an enemy, the evil eye
or the violation of taboos may seem to be preposterous in our culture, but today these ideas are completely
normative to the majority of people in the world. And in an earlier period in the West, people thought it to be
perfectly credible that vampires existed and sucked blood from the living. People who experienced hallucinations
and ecstatic trances were sometimes hailed as saints (e.g., St. Therese of Avila or St. Joan of Arc), whereas in our
society there is a tendency to put the “psychotic” label on people who see or hear strange things.
Thus, it is important to take cultural factors into account in assessing whether a particular behavior is a mental
disorder. Moreover, in many cultures the ways illness is explained and treated are completely different than in in the
West. Even a clear case of schizophrenia will be looked upon as spirit influences-some adverse spirit has interlocked
with the patient, or the patient is obsessed by a spirit who disturbs his mind and causes it to malfunction. In such a
case the attitude might be that the individual is totally subjugated by a foreign spirit. The distortion in reality is not
attributed to the patient, but to the molesting spirits. One’s own spirit is as it were put aside and the mental confusion
is imposed by the intruding spirits.

214 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
RUNNING AMOK, WILD MAN BEHAVIOR, AND LONGLONG
The Glossary of Culture-Bound Syndromes in the DSM-IV-TR refers to “amok” as a syndrome prevalent in
Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, Puerto Rico, Laos, the Philippines, Polynesia, and among the Navaho. It is also
known in parts of Africa. This syndrome has been observed for several centuries by Westerners.
In Papua New Guinea amok is called “wild man behavior” or “going berserk,” but more commonly it is referred to
as “longlong,” which is Melanesian for “crazy.” Longlong is a kind of possession state or hysteria, depending on
how you look at it-a temporary derangement, not associated with schizophrenia (Langness, 1965; Langness, 1967).
The episodes occur primarily, if not exclusively, in males. Newman (1964) found that the individual will become
very agitated and run about, stealing things, chasing people and demanding things to be given to him. He will
usually grab a bow and arrows, a wooden club or other weapon, decorate himself with feathers and finery, run
erratically around the village, crash through fences and gardens, destroy property, trample on or rip up crops,
overturn graves, stuff strange things into his mouth (embers, green tobacco leaves, uncooked plantains, or dirt), try
to set fire to a house, chase other villagers around in a threatening way, grab personal property of others, and take
the objects into the woods and destroy them. The individual will usually avoid harming his relatives and friends, but
in some instances might attack his wife or children. Usually no one really gets injured or killed.
During the episode the subject’s eyes will be glazed or turned-up, his skin cold, and he will be oblivious to sights or
sounds. There will be panting, rapid heartbeat, trembling, shaking, dizziness, or erratic motor control. He will not
seem to recognize, understand or hear anyone. The subject does not respond even if someone yells loudly into his
ear; he is “deaf” during the episode. People afflicted report that “the wind comes up and hits their ears and they
cannot hear” (Clarke, 1973).
Usually others will grab him, wrestle him to the ground, and hold him there until he eventually calms down. He will
struggle to get free. He might then change his pattern and run back and forth in some bizarre fashion. If not
restrained the individual will continue to run about, and speak or scream incoherently, usually making piercing,
unnatural sounds (“insane cackle”). The episode might last an hour or two, and then the fellow, if not previous
restrained, will collapse and come to. Afterwards he may claim amnesia.
The onset is usually sudden and unprovoked. In many cases the individual deliberately starts the attack after a period
of brooding. The episode usually lasts a few hours, but sometimes for days.
The community, as mentioned, will attempt to quiet the man by holding him down or tying him up, but at the same
time people think of longlong as a spectacle and gather to watch, finding it a form of theatrical performance. People
will run away or scream in mock terror; some will tease the wild man. Spectators will tend to keep their distance
because of the potential danger but at the same time they enjoy the display, the comic pursuit, the “performance.”
Sometimes a medicine-man will be called in to help restore the individual to normality. The remedy might include
the ingestion of therapeutic leaves, or if symptoms persist, ritual exorcism, but often enough people will simply pour
cold water on the wild man, and give him a cigarette to smoke with magic spells affixed.
This culture-bound syndrome is unique in that it is considered disruptive and antisocial, while at the same it is
positively sanctioned. People regard it as a form of amusement, as an exciting diversion, a departure from the
normal. Once the wild man comes to, there is no shame attached to such episodes, and the occasion is soon forgotten
or joked about later. People will sit and discuss it as we might discuss a play or movie, but the spectators are part of
the play, in that they were threatened or their belongings seized or damaged.
According to Edgerton (1985), the result of such bouts is akin to declaring bankruptcy-the community places less
demands on the individual for a time, and there is less pressure to repay debts, participate in food distribution or
enter into exchange relationships (pp. 88-89.
The sick role is appealing to many people in all cultures, and may be voluntarily sought out for strategic
opportunism. According to Sigerist (1977):

230 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 230-235
Mass Hysteria, Mass Possession
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 20
Abstract. Outbreaks of mass hysteria are not uncommon in primitive and modern cultures alike. A group of
people will exhibit bizarre behavior, including seizures, tremors, running amok, comatose-like trance or
possession states, or other sudden hysterical symptoms with no identifiable medical cause. Western psychiatrists
call this Mass Psychogenic Illness. Mass hysteria usually starts with a single individual, and this quickly spreads
to others, particularly in close settings such as schools, nunneries, or factories, particularly if individuals are
subject to intense anxiety of stress. Sometimes these states are voluntarily elicited in religious or healing
ceremonies, with incessant drumming, excitement and suggestibility as one person after another falls into a trance
or possession state. Sometimes the outbreak will pertain to a collective fear that is entirely false, for example a
collective delusion that there is a poisonous gas in the air-and many people will fall victim to symptoms of toxic
poisoning despite the fact that there is nothing in the air. A mass dancing mania emerged following the Black
Plague epidemic of the 14th century. People would hop, dance, clap hands and jump about in a frenzy, often
naked. How hysteria spreads from the initial case to a group is deeply mysterious. Perhaps hysteria can be
contagious much in the same way as a violent mood can spread in a mob and lead to a riot, or there is some sort
of decoupling of an individual’s personality in the context of group dynamics.
WHAT IS MASS HYSTERIA?
In many cultures we see episodes of mass hysteria, in which a group of people will exhibit bizarre behavior,
including seizures, tremors, running amok, comatose-like trance or possession states, or other sudden hysterical
symptoms-i.e., Conversion Disorder (as discussed in the preceding chapter). Mass hysteria usually starts with a
single individual exhibiting symptoms, and this quickly spreads to others, particularly in close settings such as
schools, nunneries, or factories.
Of course, sometimes these states are socially approved and voluntarily elicited by the group. An example of this is
the mass possession states that are not uncommon in religious or healing ceremonies, with incessant drumming,
excitement and suggestibility as one person after another falls into a trance or possession state. Or this response may
be deliberately fostered by preachers using the well-tried methods of creating anxiety and excitement in the group by
fiery preaching and rhythmic chanting and clapping. The members of the group usually invite this state, and it is
welcomed as a sign that the rituals are moving forward in a customary manner. A similar pattern is seen in
charismatic Christian congregations, as we discussed in chapter 11 (“Trance and Possession States”). People usually
attribute these states to possession by the Holy Spirit, with manifestations in holy laughter, holy rolling, holy
barking, speaking in tongues, spinning, shaking, quaking, convulsions, whirling and howling, running and leaping,
and shouting and crying.
But in this chapter our focus will be on mass hysteria states that occur in unwanted and involuntary circumstances.
Mass hysteria has been extensively discussed in psychiatric literature, and it is also known under the technical term,
Mass Psychogenic Illness (MPI) (Colligan, Pennebaker, & Murphy, 1982). This involves the collective occurrence
of physical symptoms and related beliefs among two or more persons, with no identifiable medical cause. The
disturbed behavior of one individual will trigger an outbreak of similar behavior in others. Episodes of mass hysteria
usually occur in settings where there is some tension or social strain common to the people involved.
In mass hysteria there is usually an “index” case, i.e., an individual who first exhibits symptoms such as fainting
attacks or screaming-and the outbreak fans out.
To understand “mass” hysteria, we should first understand “hysteria.” As mentioned at at the end of the preceding
chapter, the proper clinical term for hysteria is Conversion Disorder. As we saw, symptoms of Conversion Disorder
include the impairment or loss of sensory or motor function with no detectable organic cause. The loss of function
can manifest in a wide range of symptoms, such as running amok, screaming, or other acts that suggest an alarming
loss of control over one’s bodily movements. The symptoms under Conversion Disorder are not traced to any

Mass Hysteria, Mass Possession The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 231
physical problem. The term “conversion” is used because the impairment is said to be psychosomatic, that is, there
is a “conversion” of emotional conflicts and anxiety into physical symptoms.
There are two types of mass hysteria: one is anxiety hysteria, in which an individual, the “index case,” exhibits
symptoms that are sudden and dramatic. Others, perhaps in the line of sight, may “catch” the illness. This first type
also can get started in a group in a close setting without an index case. People in the group might get hysterical over
a strange odor or rumor of contaminated food or a toxic gas leak. Despite the falsity of the rumor, the people will
quickly develop stomach pain, nausea, vomiting, and so forth. The symptoms will usually go away within a day or
so.
Another type of mass hysteria involves motor hysteria, that is, a slowly developing state fueled by long-term group
stress or pent up anxiety. Often the people will attribute the outbreak to demonic forces. In principle, this is the type
of outbreak that occurred in the Salem, Massachusetts witchcraft episode and in the mass possession states of
Loudun, France between 1632 and 1637 that affected many of the nuns in the town. A parish priest in that town was
accused of causing the possessions in a famous and scandalous case that was widely known throughout Europe. The
priest confessed under torture, and was executed in 1634. Levack (2004) comments about this episode:
Contemporary scholarship has tended to view the possessions as deriving from a mixture of imagination,
mental illness, and deliberate deceit. Regardless of the explanation, the behavior of the nuns conformed to
the stereotype of demoniacal behavior that was current at the time (p. 252).
In cases of mass hysteria of this latter type, where the group has been under a great deal of stress, it is not at all clear
what triggers the outbreak at that particular time, since the people had been exposed to the same stressful conditions
for a significant period of time.
It seems that in mass hysteria, the outbreak gets started when there is the perception, however bogus, that one is
vulnerable to a real and present threat. Still, in many instances, mass hysteria is not induced in any straightforward
say.
In Japan in 1997, 618 children were hospitalized after watching the popular Pokemon TV program in which there
were flashing lights in a particular scene (Radford & Bartholomew, 2001). This was not mass hysteria in the typical
sense, since children from diverse places, with no contact among them, exhibited symptoms. The symptoms
included altered states of consciousness, breathlessness, seizures, vomiting, blurred vision, and general malaise.
Radford and Bartholomew theorized that bright, flashing lights on the TV screen triggered an altered state of
consciousness in some of the children, and this was called “photoepilepsy.” Rapidly blinking graphics in movies and
advertisements can have the effect of altering the viewer’s state of consciousness, inducing a kind of hypnotic,
suggestible state. Some people are more photosensitive to this than others.
However, after the news media extensively reported the incident, and the seizures were the topic of talk in the
schoolyards of Japan, 12,000 more children succumbed to similar symptoms whether or not they had viewed the
Pokemon TV program.
The cause of the outbreak remains largely conjectural. Perhaps many of the initial cases were based on a real
toxicological component in the form of the rapidly blinking lights on the TV screen. But the remainder of the cases
seem to have been a product of suggestibility in being exposed to the media reports of the outbreak.
In some cases, outbreaks of mass hysteria may well have organic causes, such as chemical contaminants, but this
may be denied by authorities. For instance, in 2009, 1,200 workers suffered symptoms including convulsions,
breathing difficulties, vomiting and temporary paralysis at a textile mill in Jilin City, an industrial city in northeast
China (Jacobs, 2009). Many of the workers believe the cause was “unknown substances” from a nearby factory that
produces a highly toxic chemical used in the manufacture of rubber, herbicides and dyes. But Chinese health
officials said this was an outbreak of mass hysteria based on feared chemical exposure, and that there was no
evidence of organ damage that would indicate chemical exposure. According to Jacobs, many others insist that there
really was toxic poisoning, and that officials are trying to cover up malfeasance.

232 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
THE CONTAGIOUS ASPECT OF MASS HYSTERIA
How “hysteria” becomes “mass hysteria,” is deeply mysterious, but it clearly spreads from one person to a group, or
else an entire group will more or less simultaneously fall into hysterics.
Numerous reports of mental epidemics have confirmed the phenomenon of hysteria “spreading” simply by being
exposed to hysteria going on in others. McEvedy and Beard (1970) claim: “[T]he hysterical reaction is part of
everyone’s potential and can be elicited in any individual by the right set of circumstances” (p. 10). Just what those
“right set of circumstances” are is not at all clear. Some think that in order for mass hysteria to get going the
individuals must have some latent susceptibility, something more than ordinary personal problems or conflict-such
as a kind of hyper-suggestibility.
A well known case involved an epidemic of young women, including nursing students, in Telefomin, New Guinea.
According to Frankel (1976), sixteen girls exhibited episodes mainly within two weeks of the initial incidentconsisting
of a feeling of faintness, confusion, headache, drowsiness, a feeling of coldness, a sense of becoming
deaf-followed by unsteadiness or falling, and then a stage involving violence and running amok, using any handy
object as weapons, sticks or stones, or just fists and feet, and directed towards close relatives, contemporaries and
children. Most of the young women returned to normality within a few hours of being restrained, although some
were disturbed for days or up to two weeks. After recovery they suffered no apparent ill effects.
Nobody really can explain what happened. It is theorized that the women had internalized grievances because there
was strong pressure to conform with traditional values, they were forced to adhere to rigid female-only taboos, and
their sex lives were strictly controlled. Most of the young women attended a nursing school and lived together. On
top of that, there was a polio epidemic in the community, and the students were somewhat anxious because they felt
susceptible to the epidemic simply by living in this closed community. Moreover, they believed that they would be
attacked not by a virus but by a spirit. A dissociated state was easily induced in this hypersuggestible condition.
Also, the girls, while privileged, still were subject to and sensitive to constraints of being young women in their
culture-e.g., the expectation that they were to acquiesce in major issues such as marriage.
In another school mass hysteria incident in Papua New Guinea, studied by Frankel (1976), girls were said to
experience intense anxiety and fear when rumor spread that any girls suspected of promiscuity would be sent to a
state correctional school. Frankel theorizes that the students developed the symptoms as a way of handling their
conflict between authority and their impulses. An outbreak in Taipei involved a background of anxiety and
hypersuggestibility with the spread of a rumor that a “phantom slasher” was at large in the community.
Frankel reports that there are many other examples all over the world:
[I]n an epidemic in a school in Uganda a schizophrenic boy acted as a trigger, and the pupils affected
developed symptoms identical to those exhibited by the schizophrenic, such as grimacing, using vulgar
language and neglecting personal care. In an epidemic in a Louisiana School one girl developed
conversion symptoms, particularly twitching, and this set the pattern for those subsequently affected, who
also twitched. Ideas can be as contagious as actions. In Mattoon, Illinois, a woman telephoned the police
complaining that a prowler had gassed her by throwing anaesthetic through her bedroom window. The
episode was given dramatic publicity in the local press, and twenty-eight more people were convinced
that they too had been gassed. In another epidemic in the ward of a mental hospital, a dream about
childbirth of one woman prompted three other women to experience hysterical parturition. In an epidemic
in a Malaysian school a girl saw a ghost, screamed and fainted. Many others also thought they saw ghosts,
and they reacted in the same way (pp. 117-118).
Sharp (1990) found well-documented cases of spirit possession by groups of people, particularly in schools and
factories in Madagascar, where there is a long tradition of spirit possession. Madagascar is very much a spirit
culture, where good and evil spirits are employed in many contexts.
According to Sharp, the people are very much into magical remedies, and obtain magical substances from specialists
for health, romance, conditions at work, or to help children’s performance in school. The use of magic is sometimes

236 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 236-245
Folk Medicine
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 21
Abstract. Folk cultures are self-sufficient, interdependent groups that are homogenous in race and custom,
retaining traditional customs and getting along with simple technology. There is usually a strong attraction to
things of the earth and strong bonds to lands, employing obsolete means of production. These cultures endorse
traditional healing practices (“folk medicine”), often in addition to shamans, medicine-men or modern medicine.
Modern physicians often label some of their practices as superstitious or bogus. Folk healers abound in urban
centers with significant population of immigrants who are attuned to folk medicine. Like shamans, folk healers
usually attribute illness to “personalistic,” or unnatural causes-such as a spell or a spirit of an ancestor causing the
illness. People seek folk healers for culture-bound syndromes such as running amok, lulu, susto, or for the evil
eye. Also, folk healers are sought for non-somatic concerns, such as for fortune-telling, advice or help in ending
bad luck, in bringing back an errant spouse, etc. Curanderos are popular folk healers among Mexican and Latin
American people, and they incorporate Catholic religious symbols in addition to herbal concoctions, wild plants,
bone-manipulation, “energy techniques,” massage and practical advice. In Mexico a great number of folk
practitioners are known as spiritists. They go into a trance-possession state, much as shamans do, and employ
ritual cleansing, purgatives, massages, baths, spiritual surgeries, religious ritual, as well as pharmaceuticals. In
many instances the patient has an evil spirit that requires extraction. Catholic folk healers, called rezadeiras, use
prayers, rituals, advice, charms, herbs and pharmaceuticals to treat common ailments as well as complaints of the
evil eye. In Guatemala the people invoke a Mayan figure known as San Simon-a trickster spirit of many talents.
He is the patron saint of businessmen as well as healer of illnesses, and no task is beyond his potential assistance.
A popular folk hero known as Jesus Malverde is a powerful influence on people in Mexico as well as immigrants
in the United States. Rootwork, an African-American form of voodoo, constitutes a significant part of the world
view of many people in the Southern United States and in Mexico. Root doctors combine a belief in the magical
causation of illness (usually thought to be hexes) with cures by sorcery. Native Americans often participate in
some form of traditional healing-whether attending a Sun Dance ceremony, consulting with a shaman, or
participating in singing rites, purification rites, or the use of herbal remedies and medicine wheels. In the
Philippines “psychic surgery” has become a very popular and “miraculous” folk healing. The claim is that these
healers open up the patient’s body with bare hands and “remove” organic material such as palm leaves, seeds,
hair or even blood, tumors and diseased tissue.
WHAT ARE FOLK CULTURES?
In order to discuss folk medicine, it is helpful to first define “folk cultures.” In the 1950’s anthropologists broadened
their field of work beyond primitive, tribal societies-to people that were somewhere between tribal and modern
urban society-and these are referred to as folk cultures (Foster, 1953).
Folk cultures are small, isolated, nearly self-sufficient, interdependent groups that are homogenous in race and
custom, and that get along with simple technology. There is usually a strong attraction to things of the earth and
strong bonds to lands. Folk style of clothing is thought to be “old-fashioned,” and often reflects the popular style of
dress of urban cultures in earlier centuries.
People in these cultures often use obsolete modes of production-e.g., old fashioned irrigation wheels and sugar cane
presses, and other technological items that have long become obsolete in urban centers. Traveling through India, for
example, one sees many villages in which these arcane modes of technology are happily employed.
There are many folk cultures in the Middle East. In Lebanon, for instance, we find villages in which everyone shares
a common lineage from “three foundational brothers” that goes back about a dozen generations (Gulick, 1953).
In folk cultures the family is the central institution. However, boundaries of privacy are expansive rather than
restricted, so that intimate aspects of family life are not “private,” but extend into the village as a whole. People keep
a watchful eye on what’s happening in other families. There are tight bonds of kinship, not necessarily seen in dayto-day
interactions, but in a deeply felt solidarity. There might be rivalries and feuds between villages with different
strands of lineage.

Folk Medicine The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 237
People are guided by customs that are almost sacred in their observation, and these customs are slow to change.
Conformity to these norms is regarded as an unflinching obligation. The people have a strong ethnocentric feeling.
Piety is emphasized, ritual is highly developed and expresses the wishes and fears of the people. Folk cultures are
for the most part illiterate. Until recent times people of folk cultures had little knowledge of what goes on in the
world beyond their own experience.
Folk cultures have significant contact with the larger social units of their country, while true primitive cultures are
somewhat isolated. As is true with many primitive cultures, a lot of folk cultures might undergo a rapid process of
acculturation and assimilation, in which case their customs will change much faster than otherwise, or even be put
out of existence. In such cases, as in urban centers, relationships will be impersonal, and there might be a
deemphasis of family organizations. In contrast to folk cultures, urban life is characterized by social heterogeneity,
personal individuality, secular institutions of control, division of labor, a money economy, and a general
impersonality in interpersonal relationships.
Sometimes people in folk cultures travel-going to markets in distant and large towns or taking religious pilgrimages
far away from home. Sometimes there is a greater degree of social mobility and shifting of economic positions.
There is a folk-urban continuum. In Guatemala, for instance, we see “unfolk-like” urban traits mixed with folk
traditions. And some urban centers emphasize folk elements, as we see in West Africa-with complex economies yet
folk-type relationships with religion being the focal aspect-urban sacred societies.
We might refer to the Amish and Mennonites of Pennsylvania as a folk culture because they adhere to outmoded
means of agriculture, and they shun electricity, motor vehicles, and other modern conveniences-although they do
visit modern doctors for medical treatment.
The thing that will be our focus in this chapter pertains to folk medicine-which is simply a traditional mode of
healing relied on by people in many different folk cultures. Often folk remedies will be popular not only among the
people in indigenous folk cultures, but also in urban centers throughout the world where they have immigrated.
WHAT IS FOLK MEDICINE?
A fascinating thing about cultures is the diverse ways that human populations deal with their physical and mental
health. Folk medicine is a popular alternative healing system, at variance with Western, scientific medicine. It is also
different from patterns of shamanic healing that we discussed in chapter 8. Folk medicine is strongly endorsed by its
adherents and practitioners, yet is at variance with the “official” health practices of the larger community or nation.
Folk medicine, it is well worth keeping in mind, is traditional medicine to hundreds of millions of people in the
world. That is, the practices are of long-standing duration, and people believe in the soundness of folk medicine
even though modern physicians might label some of their practices as superstitious or bogus.
Folk healers often exist in addition to shamans or medicine-men, and in many cultures these are the only available or
convenient resource for peoples’ needs. There is a particularly high incidence of folk medicine in primitive and
peasant communities, in economically underdeveloped urban centers, and in nonindustrial areas where modern
medical resources are scarce. And we also find folk healers in urban centers that have a significant population of
immigrants who are attuned to folk medicine.
Folk healers, depending on their orientation, may or may not regard illness as a condition of supernatural origin.
Most of them attribute illness to “personalistic,” or unnatural causes-such as a witch casting a spell or a supernatural
agent or spirit of an ancestor causing the illness. And usually people who go to folk healers believe in supernatural
causes of health, illness, and death, and participate in folk healing practices that are designed to control such
influences.
Folk healing plays a role in popular beliefs in hexing in the American South, voodoo among Haitians and other
Latin Americans, and curanderismo among Mexican Americans (see discussion later in this chapter). Folk healing
might also include faith healing and exorcism rites among fundamentalists and charismatic Catholics, as we
discussed in chapter 10 (“Trance and Possession States”).

238 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
People seek folk healers for culture-bound syndromes such as running amok, lulu, susto, for the evil eye, and for
other folk illnesses and ailments we will discuss-perceiving that conventional doctors have limited sensitivity to the
cultural beliefs of indigenous groups.
As with shamanism, folk healing takes into account the belief that there is a supernatural or magical origin to the
problems presented by the patient, whether illness, an accident, other misfortune, or even death. As we have seen in
our earlier discussions, the people of many cultures believe that there is a reason for everything that happens:
nothing occurs by chance. Why the individual patient is afflicted, rather than someone else, is likely due to the
influence of spirits that may reside in living or nonliving objects, (in a tree, rock, in the wind, etc.), or the malevolent
action of a witch or sorcerer, or because the patient has broken some cultural taboo or offended an ancestor.
Sometimes an illness or misfortune will strike not the person who has violated a taboo, but a close relative such as a
child or spouse. The function of the healer is to determine the underlying cause of the condition and to appease the
forces in question through rituals, and thereby restore the former state of well-being. This is much the same inquiry
that concerns shamans, as we discussed earlier in this book, except the treatment protocols are different.
Folk healers usually do not go into trance states or access spirit realms during rituals in which they diagnose and
cure patients. Often they use more “down-to-earth” modes of healing that include herbs, homeopathic remedies,
dietary changes, charms, and prayer. In some cases folk healers will seek out a socio-psychological source of illness.
And folk healers will often use confession and forgiveness as a therapeutic device.
Often, folk healers are sought for non-somatic concerns, such as for fortune-telling, advice or help in ending bad
luck, in bringing back an errant spouse, in finding lost persons or objects, and so on. In urban settings folk
practitioners sometimes work more or less underground because they could be charged with practicing medicine
without a license.
In many cultures folk healing is very highly respected. India and China have produced well-developed healing
systems with complex herbal remedies and distinctive therapeutic techniques. Quite often these healers are open to
input or collaboration with modern health practitioners, they may recommend modern drugs, and usually are well
adapted to change, picking up modern medical knowledge on their own. They often serve as a complement to
modern health services.
One distinction between folk medicine and modern medicine is that the physician grants little validity to patient selfdiagnosis,
while in folk medicine patients plays an active role in suggesting what caused their illness. And Western
medicine differentiates between science and religion, while folk healing does not.
According to Press (1978), folk healers, as opposed to physicians, “take their cues from patients, accept their stated
symptoms at face value and thus offer a guarantee that the patient’s particular anxieties and sick role preferences
will be validated” (p. 75). Another thing is that folk healers are said to be more “personal” than physicians, usually
spending more time with patients and dealing with social aspects of their illnesses that physicians ignore. As with
shamanism, the patient’s entire family is usually involved in the folk healer’s treatment sessions with the patient,
collaborating on diagnosis and strategies for treatment.
Curers have a wide range of style and specialization, and readily accept input from modern medical practices. There
is a high degree of shared knowledge between folk medicine practitioners and the public.
Usually we see simultaneous use of different medical systems, or the use of modern medicine while retaining
primitive beliefs about illness causation. Many people will seek folk health services after having seen a physician as
a kind of backup. Or, people will first see a folk healer, and if the symptoms are not cured, only then will they seek
out a modern doctor. On the one hand, they will seek cures with modern medicine, but at the same time they will
claim that it is the folk healer, shaman or medicine-man who can get to the bottom of the real trouble-the unseen,
mystical cause-and effect a cure. Moreover, modern doctors are often unable to give indigenous people that faith and
certainty that a folk healer, shaman or medicine-man can provide.
For instance, even where villagers of Papua New Guinea turn to Western medicine, as being more efficient and less
dangerous in dealing with the phenomena of ill-health, they still believe the reason why a particular person gets sick
is tied to his relationships with other men or supernatural beings (Stanhope, 1968).

PART VII: WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN PRIMITIVE
SOCIETIES

246 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 246-254
The Treatment and the Role of Women in Primitive Cultures
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 22
Abstract. Women are treated in diverse ways across cultures, and diverse attitudes about such things as
promiscuity, adultery, and rape. The low status of women is somewhat pervasive, but in many cultures women
enjoy a high status. For example, In Borneo, medicine women are highly regarded so that male shamans
deliberately assume female habits and costumes, and are treated like women and do women’s work. There are
many avoidance taboos associated with women-from the avoidance of menstruating women, to the avoidance of
sexual contact with women during pregnancy or prior to certain rituals or expeditions. Sexually promiscuous
unmarried women are known in Normanby Island of Papua. In contrast, modesty in women’s behavior is
emphasized in many Muslim cultures in which the lust of women is thought to be greater than men. Among
French-Moslem people who live in Southern Algeria, the men, not women, wear veils. In many cultures such as
the Nivkh, it was fairly common for men to engage in seduction and rape. In some cultures it was customary for
brothers to share their wives. For centuries in India and among Native Americans Suttee was customaryimmolation
of widows on the funeral pyre of their husbands. The custom of the levirate prevails in many cultures
today, requiring a widow to marry one of her deceased husband’s brothers. Today, honor killings are a cultural
practice, mainly in the Middle East but also a worldwide phenomenon, in which family members will attack a
female relative-by stoning, stabbing, beating or shooting, in order to kill her for bringing dishonor to her family or
clan. A related aspect of honor killings pertains to the common practice for women or girls who are rape victims
to be killed by relatives.
INTRODUCTION
We see again and again not only in primitive cultures but in a good many developed cultures that women are on the
whole treated as second class citizens. They may have little say in the choice of a spouse, and often they are
expected to work extremely hard in fulfilling domestic duties-helping with fishing and gathering of food, not to
mention firewood, cooking, washing, cleaning, taking care of children, and so on. In many cultures, even today,
women are “regarded as beings infinitely inferior to men, are completely under the dominance of the latter, are
forced to work like drudges for their husbands and are debarred from all share in the ritual, religious and political
life of their communities” (Wedgwood, 1937, p. 401). The low status of women was revealed in some detail by
Margaret Mead in Growing Up in New Guinea (1930). And today in many contemporary cultures-Saudi Arabia,
Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan-to name a few-women are subjected to numerous restrictions in their lives, from manner
of dress, to career choices, to their comings and goings.
There are many avoidance taboos associated with women-from the avoidance of menstruating women, to the
avoidance of sexual contact with women prior to certain rituals or expeditions. In some cultures today, there is
widespread opposition to women in public life. In Afghanistan, for instance, it is not uncommon for women to be
intimidated or even assassinated if they run for public office (Gall, 2009).
In many cultures it is quite common for women to go about their business bare-breasted, yet in the West this would
constitute indecent exposure and result in arrest. And in Islam societies, it is not uncommon today for women to get
arrested for immodest dress (such as wearing pants) and be punished with a public lashing, or subjected to honor
killings, as discussed above. Sometimes there is a double standard concerning adultery-greater punishment bring
meted out for women than men.
On the other hand, in many cultures women enjoy a high status. Property rights and lineage might be traced through
the mother’s side of the family. Women as well as men are entitled to become respected healers in the community-as
shamans or as folk healers. Women play a very important role in rituals such as the Sun Dance in Native American
ceremonies, and in the various trance dances found in many cultures of the world.
Maternal instinct appears to be a feature of human nature that has biological roots, and is apparent in all cultures.
This instinct takes the form of “natural affection such as the sacrifice made by a mother for her child...” (Urmson,
1958, p. 202). It appears that women are endowed significantly more than men with traits of nurturing of the young.
In diverse cultures we see varying roles ascribed to women and men in the caring of offspring.

The Treatment and the Role of Women in Primitive Cultures The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 247
Males typically devote more effort to mating, and females to parenting. In the majority of cultures, females have
been assigned the bulk of child rearing responsibilities even in the most egalitarian of hunter-gatherer societies.
Women also have a prolonged process of internal gestation, and the intensive postnatal care that often includes
several years of lactation and breast feeding.
In this chapter we will explore some key areas that anthropologists have studied in connection with the treatment of
women in primitive cultures.
PROMISCUITY
In Normanby Island and in the Trobriands off the southwest coast of Papua New Guinea, Roheim (1940) wrote
about the prevalence of sexually promiscuous unmarried women and men. The women of this group are called
sinebwaina, and take special care of their appearance and weight.
In a culture where promiscuity is frowned upon, Roheim found that these women were extremely promiscuous, and
this was an accepted feature of the local culture. The sinebwaina would have intercourse with any men who desired
them-and indeed to refuse meant their personal reputation would suffer.
According to Roheim, any decent looking man who wants to would simply come to their home and have sex and
spend the night. While sexually promiscuous, these women behaved in a reserved manner, i.e., staying at home, not
laughing or smiling much, or milling around. The women themselves were reported to say to the their lovers, “Let
us have intercourse and then the men will talk about me and the people will hear my name” (p. 658). Also Hammar
(1992), found that elsewhere in the region, on Daru, there are specially constructed houses called bwara awana (“its
mouth or vagina”), for young girls who were prostituted to young boys during mortuary rites. “These houses became
something like sexual finishing schools for the daughters of powerful chiefs and their female age mates, as well as
sites of sexual release for various classes of males” (p. 26).
According to Hammar, on nearby Rossell Island, “small groups of men unable to afford wives shared women who
were sold sexually during festive occasions for money”(p. 26). Margaret Mead (1930) reported that on Manus Island
women captured in war were kept in a brothel built specially for them, and they were “raped by every man in the
village, young and old” (p. 16), with the men in charge collecting payments from those who partook.
In contrast to the promiscuous behavior just noted, modesty in women’s behavior is emphasized in many Arab
cultures that derive customs from the Koran-not only their bodily modesty, but also their seclusion, their chastity,
their sexuality, their punishment, their protection, and control over them. According to Antoun (1968), in part the
modesty code is derived from the idea that men can become contaminated or defiled by women. This is true in many
other cultures, particularly among tribes in Papua New Guinea (see Avoidance Taboo, below).
Antoun found that in Muslim cultures where the Koran is the law, women out in public should not be heard; they
must not speak or glance at other men; if a kinsman passes by he can address her only by such terms as “O Mother”
or “O Daughter” or “O Aunt”-terms that imply sexual distance (p. 675). They must not leave home without good
reason. At shops the women do not enter but remain at the entrance communicating their request and passing on
their money from the outside. In public places they must walk a few paces behind their husband.
In these cultures, it is believed that women are the initiators of illicit relations, and that women have a propensity for
sexual license because of the animalistic impulses that move them. The lust of women is thought to be greater than
men. The worst insult one can say to anyone is “Your mother’s genitals” (kus immak). Killing of a girl who has
engaged in illicit premarital relations is not unusual (e.g., killing by her father or brother)-but other solutions are
elopement, marriage and compensation, hushing-up of violations, or banishment.
The honor of the village group lies with the modesty of its women and the readiness of its men to protect this
modesty. Women are given the virginity test on the day of consummation and if found to not be a virgin could be
put to death. Women are never allowed to choose their husbands; their minds are deemed deficient.
In many cultures it is customary for parents to arrange for the betrothal of their daughter or son. In Pakistan this has
been taken to be such a serious matter that a young woman who decides to elope with a man not of her parents’

248 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
choosing-could end up being shot dead by relatives because she has defiled tribal elders. However, this practice is
considered murder by the authorities, and in recent years has been pursued more aggressively by the police
(Associated Press, 2008).
The Tuareg are French-Moslem people who live in Southern Algeria, part of Sudan, Nigeria and in parts of Libya.
Murphy (1964) wrote that the women have unusual freedom for a Moslem culture. The men, not women, wear veils.
Men wear the veil is even worn at home, at all times of day, while eating, smoking, and sometimes while sleeping.
Only the eyes are seen by others. The veil is thought to be associated with a need for privacy and withdrawal, and
the need to provide a high degree of social distance. But more importantly, according to Murphy, there is a sense of
shame and pollution regarding the mouth, so therefore it is concealed by the veil. Why this would be the case with
men and not women is not at all clear.
ADULTERY
Adultery, historically, has been a punishable criminal offense and, of course, still is a legal basis for seeking a
divorce. In ancient times the typical punishment for a women caught in adultery was to be stoned to death. In
Deuteronomy 22:22 it says: “If a man is found sleeping with another man’s wife, both the man who slept with her
and the woman must die.” Leviticus 20:10 says: “If a man commits adultery with another man’s wife-with the wife
of his neighbor-both the adulterer and the adulteress must be put to death.” In some parts of the world today this still
persists. In Sudan and Nigeria, for instance, a married person found guilty of adultery is sentenced to death by
stoning under Islamic law.
Oberg (1934) found that among the Indians of Southeastern Alaska, if a woman of high rank committed adultery
within her clan, her husband would ignore the matter; she could have the other man move into their house and keep
him as a second husband, with no marriage ceremony. They felt this was a way of keeping idle women of the rich
satisfied and at home. Adultery between people of different clans, however, was punishable by death of both parties.
According to Oberg, if the husband wished to spare the wife, her kin would have to pay him property to restore his
honor. “In case the adulterer was a man of very high rank, the husband’s own clansmen paid him goods to pacify
him, for demanding the life of a very high man was a serious matter” (p. 148).
RAPE
In Nivkh culture women are generally venerated, respected, and adored by their families, sought out for their
wisdom. But at least in the recent past, it was fairly common for young men traveling to villages where strangers
lived, particularly during berry picking season when women wandered away from the settlement-to engage in
seduction and rape. There were veritable raids by young men for this purpose. These raids on groups of women were
referred to as “hunts.” In earlier times such raids to capture women inevitably led to inter-lineage warfare by the law
of the blood feud, and often whole villages and lineages were wiped out in the ensuing conflict.
While faithfulness in marriage was the norm, men in Nivkh culture nonetheless preserved a kind of prerogative of
sexual freedom well into old age, while women were expected to be faithful to their husbands. Women caught in
amatory pursuits often used to be severely beaten. Men sometimes took a second wife, often after getting the first
wife’s approval.
Love potions were used, sometimes by a young person whose object did not return his or her passion, sometimes by
parents to excite proper feelings in their child towards the spouse whom had been chosen.
SHARING OF WIVES
Mandelbaum (1938) found that in southern India the Kotas of Nilgiri Hills have a polyandry system of sorts: a
man’s brothers have free access to his wife and, if he is ill or incapacitated, his brothers take his place as “secondary
husbands.” This culture emphasizes the principle of fraternal equivalence. The brothers enjoy equal privileges in all
respects, hence the access to a brother’s wife. Mandelbaum found that a man has access to all the sisters of his wife.
There is little known sexual jealousy within the fraternal group. Only the “real” husband is recognized as father of

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 255-259 255
Child Rearing and the Treatment of Children in Primitive Cultures
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 23
Abstract. There is great diversity among cultures in the way children are reared and treated as they grow up. In
many cultures there is a strict taboo prohibiting any contact or communication between brother and sister, so as to
avoid incest. In some cultures mothers tend to hold their children away from them, avoid eye contact, and
generally minimize emotional responses of their infants. In other cultures people avoid punishing children for fear
that their sensitive little souls may leave them and they will die, whereas in some cultures even young children
are severely punished if they cry too much. It is not uncommon for parents to arrange marriages while their
children are still very young. Among the Druze people, it is believed that the soul of the deceased reincarnates
into a newborn baby almost immediately. Among the Beng people, infants are thought to be capable of
understanding all languages spoken to them. Until recent times, in primitive cultures it was the custom to sacrifice
the first-born child of a family. This seems to have been a kind of sympathetic magic in which the parents offered
their firstborn in exchange for favors bestowed by the gods. Among the Berawan people it is the custom for
parents to give up their babies for adoption if certain bad omens occur during the mother’s pregnancy. The
custom of couvade still exists in many parts of the world, whereby the father of a newborn child must lie in bed
for at least a month, with the child by his side, while the mother carries on her usual activities.
INTRODUCTION
There is great diversity among cultures in the way children are reared and treated as they grow up. The length of
breast-feeding varies considerably, for example. Norms regarding how to respond to a baby’s crying vary
dramatically. The way fathers interact with their children also varies considerably among cultures.
DISCIPLINE OF CHILDREN
On the atoll of the northeast Solomons (known as Lord Howe), there are about 100 small coral islands, with two
main tribes. Infants are given their mother’s breast until age four unless there is a newer baby. They are “toilet
trained” early on at the beach. Their crying is quickly appeased with whatever they want. They learn to walk by
themselves. Fathers cannot be with the babies until after 12 months, and then dote on them.
In many cultures there is a strict taboo prohibiting any contact or communication between brother and sister, so as to
avoid incest. In Java, for instance, a long-standing custom is that boys are not allowed to play with their sisters at all,
nor with other girls (Hogbin, 1931). This taboo extends until the siblings are well into their adult years. In fact, the
taboo in some cultures is so strong that even uttering the name of the sibling of the opposite sex is prohibited. In
addition, no one ever makes any contact with foodstuff belonging to his or her sibling (These items are thought to be
invested with the person’s mana and are therefore an indirect means of contact). In these cultures, if a brother and
sister should by chance bump into each other, they immediately experience intense shame and instantly run away
from one another (Hogbin, 1931). There is also a widespread taboo between a man and his mother-in-law.
Among the Sebei of East Africa, mothers tend to hold their children away from them, avoid eye contact, and
generally minimize emotional responses of their infants. As adults, the people tend to be remarkably controlled,
detached and calculating in their interactions.
The Battaks believe one should not frighten children or punish them severely because their sensitive little souls may
leave them and they will die; this is especially so with infants. As we saw in chapter 9 (“Envy and the Evil Eye”), in
evil eye cultures people take great care to protect their young children with amulets and covering them up from the
eyes of strangers in public.
McAllister (1941) reported that the Blackfoot poured water down the nose of infants who cried too much, and later
threatened the child with the same discipline if it didn’t stop crying. This threat of bundling the child’s head in a
blanket or throwing water in his face was constantly employed as a means of control over children-as punishment
for fighting, talking back or otherwise annoying their mother. Sometimes older boys would take pleasure in finding

256 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
a child asleep and subjecting him to the cold plunge in the river-a kind of teasing. Boys could not express their fear
because they would be called cowardly. The culture also had supernatural water-beings that were monsters to be
feared; there were taboos on creatures connected with the water (The Crow and Blackfoot would not eat fish, though
it was abundant, because it would offend the under-water people. It seems to be a phobia connected with the anxiety
about water).
BETROTHAL OF CHILDREN
In Taiwan and other parts of Asia, not long ago (particularly in the 1930’s) parents arranged marriages while their
children were very young. The girl went to live with the boy’s family, and was brought up with him and the other
siblings in his family. When they got married at puberty, there was a tendency for their sex lives to be
unsatisfactory, so that men often had extramarital affairs (but not the women for fear of greater ostracism). The idea
is that there is associative incest taboo with those with whom one grows up with.
The Nivkh people of Siberia also betrothed their children-as infants even-to another family’s son or daughter, and
the girl would usually come and live with the boy’s family early in life, just as in Taiwan, and then marry at puberty.
However, there is no reporting of, or at least no apparent research on, whether their sexual relations were affected
once they were married.
INCEST TABOO: EXCEPTION
With few exceptions, all cultures have an incest taboo. The only exception to the incest taboo appears to have been
dynastic incest between brother and sister, which was the norm with respect to the royal houses of ancient Egypt,
Siam, Madagascar and more recently Hawaii, which required brother-sister marriage as a religious obligation, but
this was never extended to an entire society. Different cultures have a different degree of kinship in which the incest
taboo ceases to hold; for instance many regard it permissible for cousins to mate; while no society appears to have
ever condoned sexual relations between parent and child. The incest taboo does not appear to have any particular
biological or other connection to human nature, yet is nearly a universal taboo. Does the incest taboo have to do with
a deeply rooted intuition shared by all human beings that sexual intimacy is incompatible with family affection and
respect, or is it there to prevent sexual jealousies and rivalries within the family?
Belo (1936) found that in Bali some years ago there was an exception to the incest taboo. Balinese folklore contains
many examples of boy and girl twins who married and brought forth a tribe, or a line of kings. Thus, there is a
certain feeling that boy and girl twins are intended to be man and wife, despite the incest taboo. At the same time,
the Balinese believe that the birth of boy and girl twins is unnatural because the twins were thought to have had a
too intimate contact in the womb. Their birth would bring famine and disaster on the village, unless averted by the
temporary banishment of the children and their parents, followed by purification rites. After these measures were
taken, and when the twins had grown up, they could marry, for their incestuous connection is considered to be
already atoned for. And as is well known, in ancient Egypt it was not uncommon for the prince and princess of the
pharaoh to join in matrimony.
REINCARNATION OF DEAD CHILDREN
The Druze people live in Syria, Lebanon and Israel, mainly in small and close-knit villages. They are an independent
Arabic religious community that diverged from Islam in the 11th century. They believe that at death one’s soul
immediately transmigrates to a baby of the same sex born at around the same time. Indeed, in many cultures it is
believed that the soul of the deceased reincarnates into a newborn baby almost immediately. What is particularly
interesting among the Druze is that past-life memories are common among the Druze children. People who have
past-life memories are known to be Nateqeen.
Often children have specific memories of the names of their past-life spouse, parents or siblings. Because these
communities are close-knit, it is relatively easy to investigate and confirm the past-life identity of these children. For
instance, if the child believes that he has died in an automobile accident and “remembers” what his past life
mother’s name was-this information can readily be investigated. If found to be true, a meeting will be arranged with

Child Rearing and the Treatment of Children in Primitive Cultures The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 257
the past-life family, and the child will be joyously received into that family. The child will usually develop a good
and active relationship between the past-life family and the present family. The two families often become one big
family (Dwairy, 2006).
Given that many cultures embrace reincarnation as well as ancestor worship, the question arises-how is it possible to
worship a deceased ancestor if that individual’s soul is reincarnated with the birth of a new life? The answer is
explained in the Beng culture of Africa. The people believe, as the Druze, that a deceased individual is reincarnated
almost immediately after his or her death. They also engage in ancestor worship. The idea is that once someone dies,
the soul is transfered into a spirit form. When that person is reincarnated into someone else, the spirit continues to
exist as an ancestor in a place called wrugbe, and is capable of appearing as a ghost, while the soul gets reincarnated
in the newborn baby. There is thus a double existence where the individual exists simultaneously at two very
different levels of reality: one in the newly born individual, and the other in the spirit realm (Gottlieb, 1998).
Also among the Beng people, infants are thought to be capable of understanding all languages spoken to them.
Mothers and caretakers address infants frequently, even newborns. They encourage babies to babble as much as they
want, remarking on it and taking great delight in it, except when it interferes with adult conversations (In situations
where a baby’s babbling proves distracting, caretakers might say, “Stop your speaking!” as if the infant were an
older child, in an effort to teach norms of politeness). There is a high level of speech addressed by people directly to
infants. The people believe that infants are profoundly spiritual in that they are still tied to the “spirit village” or
waystation-the realm of wrugbe. It is there that a person travels once the person’s body dies, and it is from there that
souls come into a new human existence. In that place all the world’s ethnic groups dwell in harmony, and everyone
understands the language of everybody else.
Gottlieb (1998) found that the people believe that infants have a divided consciousness, sometimes centered in
wrugbe and sometimes in this world. Thus, children have limited understanding of what’s going on in this life, until
they get older. Infants who cry a lot are homesick for wrugbe, or are seeking to communicate a spiritual need.
Parents will seek to understand this by consulting diviners as intermediaries between the living and spirits in
wrugbe. Since infants have only recently emerged from wrugbe, they have full comprehension of all the world’s
languages. As children get older this knowledge gradually diminishes, and they adopt the language spoken in their
culture.
It has been widely reported that sometimes the Inuit will “change” a child’s gender and bring up the child as a
member of the opposite sex.
Boys may be raised as girls and vice versa. Sometimes this is done in order to reincarnate a dead child or
another relative who was of the opposite sex from the new infant, and sometimes it is done because the
parents had wanted a child of the opposite sex from the infant, often for practical reasons. If all the
previous children had been girls, a new hunter would be needed; or if the previous children had been
boys, the first priority might be to have another helper in the home. Such children are dressed and
groomed as members of the opposite sex and taught the skills of that sex (Briggs, 1991, pp. 265-266).
SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN
Throughout biblical history, and continuing in primitive cultures until recent times, it was the custom to sacrifice the
first-born child of a family. In the Bible we see that when the king of Moab was besieged by the Israelites, he took
his son and sacrificed him on the rampart as a burnt offering. The prophet Micah said: “Shall I give my first-born for
my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?” (Micah, 5:6-8). Yahweh himself required sacrifice of
first-born sons: “The first-born of thy sons shalt thou give unto me” (Exodus, 23:29). The sacrifice of the first-born
son was always in the nature of an atonement for the sins of the father.
Until recent times this practice continued in primitive cultures. This seems to have been a kind of sympathetic magic
in which the mother and father offered their “first and finest” in exchange for the sacrifice of the gods for a bountiful
harvest. According to Frazer (1927):

PART VIII: WHEN MODERN CULTURE MEETS
PRIMITIVE CULTURE, AND A CASE STUDY

260 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 260-265
Cargo Cults
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 24
Abstract. Cargo cults are a phenomenon that has been noted in many cultures and is associated with charismatic
leaders who seek to lead people into a millennialist-type movement. Cargo cults seemed to have started in the
1930s, when the people of Papua New Guinea and other parts of Oceania reacted with wonderment and fear to
European colonists, their airplanes their weapons and their seeming wealth. People who join the cargo cult have
the expectation that cargo will magically be delivered to each of the participants via plane or boat. In their shared
disdain of Europeans, people enjoyed a new unity as a result of cult membership. People enjoyed an increase in
self-respect, a strengthening of community cohesion, a sense of purpose or mission. The cargo never materializes,
the charismatic leader is discredited, and inevitably the cult dissolves and people get back to their former way of
life. In modern cultures a counterpart to cargo cults occurs when people rally behind charismatic leaders who
emerge at a time of crisis when there is a mood for a new beginning, and who make an emotional appeal into the
people’s yearnings. These leaders may become dictators, and after promises fail to get fulfilled, popular support
dissipates, and the charismatic leaders get ousted.
HOW DID CARGO CULTS GET STARTED?
Messianic movements have long been a staple of many cultures throughout the world. These movements engage the
supernatural together with apocalyptic and millennial elements. In modern society we have seen many
“millennialist” or “end-of-time” movements, even as the year 2000 approached. Virtually all of these movements
end in disappointment for adherents-that is, the end times do not materialize, life goes on, and the dreams of an
otherworldly utopia are dashed.
In this chapter we will explore the phenomenon of cargo cults, a magical nativistic movement that from time to time
has gained a stronghold in various Melanesian groups.
According to Mooney (1991), in the 1890s American Indians subscribed to a messianic theme that “the time will
come when the whole Indian race, living and dead, will be reunited upon a regenerated earth, to live a life of
aboriginal happiness, forever free from death, disease, and misery” (p. 777). A religious ceremony developed in
which hundreds of people participated in the Ghost Dance, lasting all night. Dancing with intense excitement, people
would fall into ecstatic trances in which they would come face-to-face with the messiah. Mooney found that frequent
participation in the dance was something of a religious duty, and was thought to “ward off disease and restore the sick
to health, this applying not only to the actual participants, but also their children and friends” (p. 786). The predicted
Indian millennium, or “return of the ghosts,” would be marked by the annihilation of the white man and the Indian
would again reign supreme. Leaders of various tribes claimed to have visited the messiah, usually during the Ghost
Dance ceremonies, and delivered sermons in which the new religion was preached. According to Moody, when the
end-time arrives the people thought that “a deep sleep will come on the believers, during which the great catastrophe
will be accomplished, and the faithful will awake to immortality on a new earth” (p. 786).
Inglis (1957) theorizes that cargo cults got going in the 1930s, when the people of Papua New Guinea and other
parts of Oceania saw airplanes for the first time. The people reacted to these strange “creatures,” calling them the
“Mother Bird of the Sky,” with wonderment and fear. They saw many white aliens coming out from these “birds”
when they landed. After a time the European presence was not only feared, but the power of the intruders was
perhaps an object of envy. The material goods of these Europeans-their gadgets, their clothing, their manner, their
power-were somewhat alluring.
After a time the people became increasingly familiar with Europeans, and received various goods, such as axes,
rifles, canned meat, salt and fabrics, in exchange for labor. According to Reed (1958), they viewed the Europeans as
a possible source of wealth, but how to obtain wealth for themselves was deeply puzzling.
As a result, the cargo cult movement emerged. The expression “cargo cult” first of all has the connotation of paying
homage to a divine being or to a particular person or thing by a group of admirers or adherents, with the expectation
that “cargo” will be delivered to the people.

Cargo Cults The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 261
Cargo cults emerged mainly in Melanesian cultures, and to a very small extent in Polynesian and Micronesian
cultures. Cargo cults are associated with “end times” movements that still occur in Melanesia. With cargo cults there
is a sudden and radical shift in which the people await the delivery of goods to them by supernatural forces. A
“cargo” of European goods will be sent by ancestral ghosts or other spirits, and arrive by helicopter, ship or plane,
already labeled in crates.
The cargo cults of Melanesia
involve ritual practices designed to secure European riches (“cargo”) from a supernatural source. They
display the same note of expectancy and waiting for an imminent deliverance. Such movements are
normally said to be produced by a sense of blockage and deprivation, experienced by those unintegrated
and disoriented members of society to whom ordinary political action seems to offer no hope or relief
(Thomas, 1971, p. 170).
Sometimes a leader will claim a revelation from a dream or hallucination, and announce a great future event, or the
end of the world, and may even provide the specific date. The leader of the cult will lead everyone not only out of
misery, poverty and oppression, but to an afterlife of eternal salvation. Followers will make preparations to deal with
the expected changes. People will build wharves, airstrips or helipads in preparation for the ancestral spirits who are
to bring in the highly valued cargo.
People might neglect their gardens and kill their livestock on the theory that they will no longer be needed. New
customs, beliefs and practices are adopted, new clothing may be adopted, and new systems of law and ethics also
came into being.
When the cargo fails to arrive, the people often theorize that cargo ships were diverted by the unscrupulous
Europeans who wish to deny their right to wealth. Or, given that in this culture responsibility for misfortune is often
ascribed to “others” who fail to observe taboos or otherwise fail to conform to norms- people might target certain
non-conforming villagers for blame.
The Administration and the Government Council, as well as missionaries, were opposed to cargo cults, but they
continued to flourish.
EXPLANATION OF CARGO CULTS
It is an intriguing puzzle as to how cargo cults get started and what motivates people to participate in them. Why do
cargo cults occur at all? How are we to interpret cargo cult behavior? Why does cult behavior occur in the context of
rapid social change?
Various factors apparently converged to make the time ripe for cargo cults. Cargo cults emerge in cultures such as
Melanesia where primitive people come into sudden contact with a domineering “modern” culture. There are social,
political and economic factors as well as oppression from the dominant culture that help us understand the
phenomenon. The arrival of Europeans, with their strange ways and apparently endless material prosperity, coming
out of nowhere, seems to have been a catalyst.
Cargo cults seem to be a reaction to the pressures for social change that is a product of European penetration.
Europeans were more powerful economically, politically and even physically, through the possession of firearms.
Anxious to share the wealth of Europeans and unable to achieve their ends by any of the means open to them, the
people believed that the Europeans deliberately withheld their bounty from them. Cargo cults also may have been a
“moral protest” in response to disrespectful and even brutal treatment by Europeans.
The native Melanesian-and this is true in many other cultures-were faced with a continual series of dilemmas, as
discussed by Hogbin (1958):
Should he seek employment to earn money for the purchase of goods that are now so necessary, or stay at
home to grow food for his family and care for his aging parents? Should he carry out the instructions of

262 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
the agricultural officer and gather the ripening harvest in his coffee plantation, a crop his grandfather had
never heard of, or fulfill his tribal responsibilities and attend the protracted funeral ceremonies of a chief
in some distant village? Should he accept the judgment of his headman, who now has no power to enforce
it but at least knows all the surrounding circumstances intimately, or take the charge to a European
magistrate and submit to the tedious, and to him meaningless, procedure of the white man’s law? Should
he spend his money on a new pair of trousers, which he badly needs, or pay the traditional dues to his
chief? Should he listen to the missionaries who say that he is morally entitled to choose a bride for
himself, or accept the stranger selected for him according to ancient usage by his kinsmen? Should he be
strictly monogamous even if his one wife is barren or take an extra spouse to ensure the continuity of his
clan? These and similar problems are cropping up all the time (pp. 38-39).
Indigenous people became demoralized by the loss of their traditional way of life with the introduction of new
morals and customs by the Europeans. Antagonism developed, coupled with resentment over the Europeans’
material advantages. There was a feeling of being exploited, resentment of colonial government, and the desire for
liberation. Cargo cults gave the hope for a quick improvement of their situation.
One might say that the people are foolish and gullible, believing that Europeans did not have to work for material
goods. Particularly early in the cargo cult movements, they did not understand industrial processes such as
manufacturing of the steel which forms the blade of a European axe or an automobile assembly line.
To their animistic way of thinking, the physical and spiritual worlds are united into one comprehensive system.
Agricultural and hunting success are a product of supernatural forces, and material prosperity is the gift of ancestral
spirits. If villagers do not have command over material resources, this is due to some wrongdoing, disobedience, or
taboo violations. To us, the people seem to resort to solutions that we might regard as irrational fantasies, but to
them the idea of ancestors or other supernatural agents coming to their aid is firmly embedded in their thinking and
is not regarded as irrational.
To people the world over, there is often a pull to seek supernatural deliverance from misfortune, to hope for a savior
or to be rescued or to attain a bounty without going through the ordinary steps of “hard work.” We see this in
segments of the population that seek out unrealistic financial gain through fantastic schemes-Ponzi schemes, for
instance. And even in economic downturns, believers in the “prosperity gospel” movement donate generously to
preachers who promise that God will multiply their offerings a hundredfold (Goodstein, 2009).
Cargo cults fit into this existing belief system of the Melanesians, who
have cargo cults because they live in a tradition of magical and religious explanations of the world. This
means that when they are faced with an intellectual problem the first and uncriticized assumption they
make is “this has magico-religious explanation.” (Jarvie, 1963, p. 17)
Throughout history we see movements where a society is stimulated into collective action due to persecution by
outsiders, where the familiar way of life has become disrupted. The time is ripe for a charismatic leader to come
upon the scene and offer assurances of greater material well-being and removal of the oppressive yoke.
Thus, when a peoples’ way of life is disrupted by the intrusion of a “superior people,” and they are unable to
assimilate new and difficult ideas-
the native, faced with the collapse of many expectations and a multitude of new facts to be accounted for,
naturally tends to move in the direction of least resistance: towards the vague, all inclusive and irrefutable
magico-religious explanation (Jarvie, 1963, p. 17).
Thus, oppressive colonial occupation, a sense of deprivation compared to the Europeans, a weakening of cultural
autonomy and of of tribal authority, and the pressure to acculturate and change traditions caused a power imbalance,
a sense of injustice, a feeling of inferiority-a sense of languor, envy, resentment of European domination-all
contributing to the phenomenon of cargo cults.

266 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 266-273
Nomadic Peoples: A Case Study of the Batek People of Malaysia
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers Ltd.
CHAPTER 25
Abstract. Nomadic people lack a home base, except for temporary encampments, and have the tendency to roam
at will. They display resourcefulness and the ability to quickly adapt to new circumstances. They are
tremendously sensitive to the environment around them, and have the ability to get on with very little. The Bateks
of Malaysia call themselves “forest people,” living in the forests, gauging their movements according to huntinggathering
needs. They believe that if no one lived in the forest, the world would come to an end. They subsist on
plants, animals (including fish and monkeys), wild tubers, yams, fruit and honey. They sell or trade honey, rattan
and other forest products to Malay traders. They hunt monkeys and other small game with bamboo blowpipes
with darts tipped with a poison made from sap. The Bateks are reluctant to uproot themselves into government
settlements or otherwise integrate into modern society. Still, some Bateks now live in permanent settlements
where they plant crops, while spending part of the year foraging for food and collecting rattan and other forest
produce for trade.
WHO ARE NOMADS?
Nomadic people are something akin to the homeless of modern urban centers. What they have in common is the lack
of a home base, except for temporary encampments; the tendency to roam at will; resourcefulness and the ability to
quickly adapt to new circumstances; tremendous sensitivity to the environment around them; and the ability to get
on with very little.
The nomadic lifestyle is perhaps the earliest lifestyle in history, for this preceded settled communities. We can
describe two types of nomads prevalent today: one consists of hunter-gatherers who move about with great
frequency and spontaneity. That includes the Bateks of Malaysia, who do not cultivate crops or keep livestock, and
whose subsistence depends entirely on hunting and foraging in the wild.
The other type of nomadic group are pastoralists who develop herds of livestock and occupy various stretches of
agricultural, forest or grazing lands. Still, they are nomads in that they have a continuous mobility.
Pastoral nomads still flourish today in the Himalayas. McVeigh (2004) found that pastoral production, consisting
mainly of mountain cattle called yaks, is critical to the Himalayan farming system, and is one of the most important
economic activities of the region. According to McVeigh, nomadic people of Tibet are constantly on the move with
their livestock and horses. They need to be vigilant for poachers, and use Tibetan mastiff dogs to keep animals from
straying. According to Ekvall (1961), the people are also constantly on the alert for horse thieves, keeping lookouts
by patrolling.
Nomadic groups are generally atomistic. As we mentioned in chapter 1 (“The Nature of Primitive Cultures”),
atomistic communities-in this case nomads frequently on the move-do not identify with a particular “homeland” and
there usually is no particular person or “chief” who holds authority over the people. Decisions might be made by
consensus, often spontaneously or on the go-but there is no “top-down” authority, nor any laws, governing the
peoples’ choices.
Today nomads constitute a dwindling portion of cultures, as a consequence of “modernity.” Government
development and conservation policies, not to mention deforestation, have limited the traditional grounds occupied
by nomadic peoples, and have encouraged them to establish sedentary populations with the promise of state social
aid in the form of schooling for children, proper nutrition to alleviate malnutrition, and health care. Also, forest
departments have voiced concern that grazing by nomadic groups leads to environmental deterioration.
Still, there are pockets of nomads that have more or less managed to resist government efforts to move them into
settlements-such as the Batek people of Malaysia.

Nomadic Peoples The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 267
THE BATEKS OF MALAYSIA
The Bateks live in the Malaysian rain forest, and they are one of the last untouched indigenous peoples in the world.
The Malaysian rain forest is their eco-refuge. Endicott (1979a), found that the Bateks are deeply animistic in their
beliefs. They have a particularly intimate relationship with the forest: to them, everything has personhood. They
gather information from subtle signs, from the sway of branches and from the sounds of animals that penetrate
through dense foliation, and from thunder and lightening.
According to Endicott, these people are referred to as Negrito, which means “little black” in Spanish. They have
curly, woolly, hair, dark brown skin, round faces, broad, flat noses and receding chins. Their average height is 59
inches. They have relatively large, broad heads, long arms, short legs, relatively straight and high foreheads, large
bulbous noses, and well developed chins.
This race also occupies the Andaman Islands off Burma, parts of Africa, the Philippines, and southern Thailand.
Some refer to them as Pygmies. Anthropologists think that the Malaysian and African Pygmies are related,
somehow, despite the distance between the two regions. The Pygmy groups of Africa are technically known as
Negrillo, while those of Oceania and Asia are called Negrito.
Still, the origin of these people and whether they migrated from Africa to Southeast Asia is a matter of some
speculation. But what is sure is that these people, like their counterparts in the rain forests of equatorial Africa, have
lived in the forests for thousands of years in a “timeless past.” They make up an enduring, stable, vigorous
population. Their way of life persists, apparently impervious to change, despite the radical changes that surround
them.
The total population of the Negrito population in Peninsular Malaysia is about 2,000, far less than in the 19th
century. The Bateks occupy several areas in Malaysia, mainly in the Taman Nagara, the country’s 4,343 square
kilometer national park in southeast Kelantan. They are for the most part very isolated from outside society. In the
Philippines there are 33 Negrito populations living on different islands, consisting of about 33,000 people.
When I visited a group of Bateks in 2007, I found that they are still nomadic, living in camps of about 20 nuclear
families related by kinship and marriage. I was lucky to get to them, and enlisted the aid of a Batek native who had
settled in a village near where I was staying in Taman Nagara.
This and other Batek groups gauge their movements according to hunting-gathering needs, staying in a camp from
one week to about a month. Over the generations they have become quite familiar with every nook and cranny of the
extensive forest that they call their home. The Bateks have over time named obscure rivers, streams and landforms
in the forest, indicating an ongoing cultural relationship to these places. When they move to a new camp it is usually
one they have occupied in the past, so that they are familiar with its terrain, and they can “re-use” spots that they
previously made suitable for huts.
Each camp is merely an assemblage of families with common interests rather than an organized group. The families
of each camp are politically independent. There are no “chiefs.” Even the authority of parents over children is weak.
Wives are not submissive to husbands. Still, there is a moral unity to among the people, expressed most vividly in
the practice of food sharing and mutual aid among all the Bateks who live in the same camps.
Sometimes a couple will decide on their own, with due regard for obligations to close relatives, to move to a new
site, so it is not uncommon to find camps with only a handful of Batek people.
According to Tuck-Po (2003), the Bateks regard the forest as their true home, and thus they call themselves “forest
people.” As mentioned, they are deeply animistic, and thus identify closely with their environment. They believe
that if no one lived in the forest, the world would come to an end. They regard themselves to be guardians of the
forest, and are very closely attuned to the ongoing changes in their ecosystem. The Bateks do not degrade the
environment but take advantage of resources that would go unused but for their presence.

268 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Tuck-Po claims that they believe the rivers are “the veins and tendons” of the world, and that “superhuman beings”
who live in the forest are the “heart” of the world (p. 177). These beings can get angry and convey their feelings to
the Batek people, particularly through thunder, lightning, fierce winds and floods. If the people behave badly, the
spirits will punish them with bad weather or by withholding the normally bountiful summer fruits.
THE BATEKS’ HUNTING AND GATHERING SKILLS
The Bateks subsist on food from the forest-plants, animals, wild tubers and yams (their main source of
carbohydrates), fruit and honey. They gather and eat a lot of honey, and sell or trade it to Malay traders. They also
collect palm-cabbage, mushrooms and fern shoots for eating.
The Bateks, like other foragers, are good at problem solving and have important tactical skills: They look, search,
discriminate, rank, remember, hear, track, compare, connect, map and listen. They dig their main food staple, wild
yams, with iron-bladed digging sticks. The elusive vines and small leaves are hard to see in the midst of the thick
forest vegetation, but the Bateks have the talent of locating the yams and then quickly digging them up. In three
hours of digging one man or woman obtains about 10 pounds of yams and other tubers, enough to feed a family for a
day or two, depending on what other food they have.
In July and August they may live entirely on fruits that are plentiful, and fruit is a major portion of the diet in several
other months. They remember where certain fruit trees are located, and they return to them each year when they
expect the fruit to be ripe. The men climb the trees, and cut off small branches of fruit, to be collected below.
Women do some of the climbing. Some types of fruit simply fall when ripe and need only be picked up. The Bateks
are expert tree climbers, often using a series of rattan “rope-ladders.” In addition to fruit, plentiful trees provide them
with materials for making huts, fires, mats, baskets, and rafts.
During the flood season, December and January, it becomes difficult to forage, and rivers cause flooding. Digging
tubers becomes difficult in muddy ground, and the holes quickly fill with seepage water. Also, the people digging
are cold and miserable from the rain. Sometimes diggers will build a crude shelter of thatch over the digging spot
and keep a fire going in it. Hunting is also difficult in the rain, although arboreal animals stay low in the trees, trying
to keep out of the rain, and thus make easy targets.
Endicott (1984) found that in addition to hunting and gathering, the Bateks use a range of skills to take advantage of
economic opportunities in the marketplace. They trade forest products (such as rattan) for rice and manufactured
goods. In the late 1970s a strong demand developed for kayu gaharu, a fragrant resinous wood used to make incense
and cosmetics. This wood, which is found only in small veins in diseased trees of the genus, was being bought for as
much as $140 U.S. per pound by Malay traders, who sold it to Arab buyers from the Middle East. For some years
the Bateks spent a considerable amount of their time collecting this wood as well as large-diameter rattan.
They also engage in wage labor when opportunity arises, and occasionally plant a few crops at fixed locations. Their
economic health depends on a strategy of shifting from one type of economic activity to another as circumstances
change and new opportunities arise.
For protein they eat small tree-dwelling game-monkeys, gibbons, squirrels, civets, and birds, and hole-dwelling
animals such as porcupines and bamboo rats (which reach six pounds in weight).
The Bateks also fish in rivers and streams. The most common method, employed mainly by women, is to utilize
store-bought hooks with worms for bait, and lines on a rod made of the ribs of a palm fronds. Men use casting nets
that are thrown into shallow water. Sometimes they will set gill nets in the afternoon, strung between two poles, and
collect the catch the next morning. They will also use poison juice extracted from bark and roots by pounding and
twisting, and release it into a small stream above a natural dam, such as a log. When the stunned fish float to the
surface, they are trapped at the dam, where they are collected.
The Bateks take life easily and hold singing sessions at night, and particularly immediately after the annual floods to
insure that there will be an abundant crop of wild fruit. They believe there would be no fruit at all if they did not sing

274 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 274-289
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Figure 1: Baker at work, Ludhiana, India
Figure 2: Man in Mulu, Malaysia
Figure 3: Fisherman at his LONGHOUSE, Mulu, Malaysia
APPDENDIX
John Alan Cohan
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Appendix The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 291
Figure 4: Boy in Canoe, Lake T’ana, Ethopia
Figure 5: Boys on Beach, Mumbai
Figure 6: Maori Totem Pole, New Zealand

292 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Figure 7. Masked Celebrants at Rio De Janeiro's Carnaval
Figure 8. Men's House Along Sepic River, Papua, New Guinea
Figure 9. Bedouin Nomads At Meal

310 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 310-320
A
INDEX
Aborigines, 32, 37, 71, 76, 84-86, 91, 100, 103, 111, 123, 179, 199, 209, 239, 251, 264, 274, 285, 286, 288, 292, 302
Acculturation, 2, 17-21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 95, 153, 221, 232, 237, 249, 253, 276, 286; cultural imperialism and, 18-
19; trend toward, 17-18
Admiralty Islands, 186
Adoption, 258-259
Adultery, 179-180, 248
Aesthetics norms, variation of, 25-26
Afghanistan, 246
Africa, 23, 25, 26, 46, 57, 59, 90, 115, 116, 120, 130, 139, 168, 169, 176, 216, 221, 222, 225, 237, 255
Aguaruna people, 108
Alaska, 7, 182, 204, 248
Alcohol, 130
Altered state of consciousness, 102-103, 112, 127-132. See also Trance and possession states.
Amazons, 128
Ambonwari people, 19-20, 66
American Indians, 31, 32-33, 47, 62, 260. See also Native Americans.
Amok, running, 214-217; explanation of, 215-217
Amulets and charms, 46-47, 55, 75, 94, 103, 111, 119, 123, 130, 131, 134, 156, 160, 173, 252, 254, 255, 268 292
Anastenarides, 139
Ancestors, ghosts of, 194-197, 263
Ancestral worship, 193-194
Andersen, Hans Christian, 73
Angola, 56
Animal sacrifice, 93-94. See also Hunting.
Animals, 4, 12, 16, 22, 23, 29, 31, 32, 34, 40, 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53-61, 64, 66, 69, 70-81, 83-100, 107-
109, 111-112, 115-117, 122, 123, 130, 135, 136, 137, 139, 141, 154-156, 158, 162, 165, 166, 177, 178, 193-194,
197, 199, 201, 210, 218, 231, 238, 248, 252, 263, 264, 272-277, 282, 283, 284, 291, 292
Animism, 49-75, 96-97; animals and, 55-56; artificial intelligence and, 74-75; birds and, 56-57; communication
aspects of, 54-55; ceremonial objects and, 68; children and, 72-74; definition of, 49-50; figureheads on ships and,
66-67; fire and, 68; idols and, 67-68; inanimate objects and, 60-68; mana and, 49; modern cultures and, 70-71;
natural disasters and, 68-69; natural phenomena and, 55; philosophical, religious and scientific aspects of, 50-54;
sacred sites and, 60-64; shaman’s drum and, 68; snakes and, 57-58; stones, shells and, 64-66; trees, plants and, 58-
59;
Anthropomorphism, 54
Apaches, 59
Apollonian cultures, 29, 34-36, comparison with Dionysian cultures, 35-36
Arab cultures, 19, 32, 52, 128, 130, 140, 149, 194, 260, 269, 282, 288, 293
Aranda people, 78
Arctic, 9-10
Arctic hysteria, 218-219
Aristotle, 41
Artificial intelligence, 74-75
Astrology, 52
Ataques de Nervos, 222-224
Atomistic cultures, 8-9
Australia, 61, 63, 76-77, 78, 84, 103, 169, 196, 251
Ayahuasca, 128
John Alan Cohan
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Index The Primitive Mind and Modern Man 311
B
Baffin Land, 7
Bali, 139, 198, 256
Balinese folklore, 256
Bambara people, 115
Batek people, 25, 267-273; attempts to acculturate, 272-273; hunting skills of, 268-272; use of blowpipes by, 269-
270
Battak people, 255
Bedouins, 9, 109
Barok people, 79
Bear Festival, 88-89
Bebainan, 219
Beer, 130
Benedict, Ruth, 29, 31, 32, 117, 158
Beng people, 257
Berawan people, 258
Bewitching, 153, 154, 167-171. See also Hexing culture of American South.
Bible, the, 15, 52, 69, 80-81, 115, 118, 196, 257
Bimin-Kushkusmin people, 60
Birds, 32, 54, 55, 56-57, 58, 59, 61-65, 69, 79, 82, 86, 88, 89, 94, 98, 104, 107, 123, 274, 282, 284, 289
Blood money, 161, 170, 180-181, 185, 290
Blowpipe hunting, 269-270
Boas, Franz, 16
Bohm, David, 50
Bolivia, 164
Borneo, 15, 20, 27, 57, 65, 68, 125, 133, 250, 259, 263, 271, 272, 283
Bororo people, 77
Brain-Fag Syndrome, 225
Brazil, 12, 25, 137, 147, 198, 223
Buddhism, 42, 50, 61, 142, 143, 152
C
Canada, 19, 26, 130
Cannibal dancers, 33
Cannibalism, 27, 45, 185-186; mortuary, 198-199
Cargo cults, 260-265, explanation of 261-264, modern counterparts of, 264-265
Carib people, 181
Catholic charismatic movement, 19
Catholic folk healers, 240
Catholicism, Roman, 26, 50, 75, 101, 150-153, 156, 157, 161, 178, 188, 207, 238, 248, 249, 251, 252, 253, 254,
255, 288, 296, 301
Charms. See Talismans.
Cherokees, 30
Children, 72-74; adoption of, 258-259; betrothal of, 256; discipline of, 255-256; reincarnation of, 256; sacrifice of,
257; treatment of, 255-259
Chillihuana people, 64, 67
China, 25, 70, 105, 125, 194, 209-210, 231, 238
Choctaw tribe, 55
Clay eating. See Pica and Geophagia.
Clouds, 55
Codrington, R. H., 37, 38
Collective responsibility, 181-185

312 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man John Alan Cohan
Colonialism, 19-20
Communal lifestyle, 6-7
Comoro Islands, 138
Conflicts, dealing with, 175-171;
Conflicts, importance of, 175-178
Confucianism, 194
Conversion Disorder, 137, 228-229, 230-231
Cook Islands, 130
Coppers, breaking of, 203-204
Couvade, 259
Cremation ritual of Bali, 198
Crow tribe, 10, 182
Cultural anthropology, i
Cultural relativism, ii, 22-28
Culture, defined, 4; modern, 70-72
Culture-Bound Syndromes, 137, 143, 145, 212-229; definition of, 212; explanation of, 228-229
Curanderos, 239-240
Curses, 43-44
Customary law, 10-11
Customs, nature of, 16
D
Dance trances, 138-140
Dancing mania, 234
Dayak people, 57, 60
Dead bodies, treatment of, 192-200; respect for, 192-193; opening tombs of, 199-200
Death, explanation of, 13, 14
Death by sorcery, 193
Death by suggestion, 167-171; explanation of, 170-171
de Chardin, Teilhard, 52
Demonic possession. See Trance and Possession states.
Dervish, 109-110
de Tocqueville, Alexis, 188
Diderot, Denis, 52
Dionysian cultures, comparison with Apollonian cultures, 35-36; dreams and visions in, 30; intoxication practices
of, 32; self-mutilation practices of, 31-32; traits of, 29-30
Dissociative Disorders, 137
Dobu people, 60, 117, 124, 158
Doctrine of limited goods, 116-118
Dogs, treatment of, 93
Dou Donggo people, 179
Dreams, 98
Druze people, 256-257
Dueling, 188-189
E
Earthquakes, 69-70
Ecopsychology, 71
Ecuador, 128, 185
Egypt, 139
Einstein, Albert, 176
Eliade, Mircea, 96, 98, 101, 134