Carl%20Sagan%20-%20The%20Demon%20Haunted%20World
Carl%20Sagan%20-%20The%20Demon%20Haunted%20World Carl%20Sagan%20-%20The%20Demon%20Haunted%20World
THE DEMON-HAUNTED WORLD secret police seems possible. What I'm imagining here is not that each of us has a budget of memories implanted in special therapeutic sessions by state-appointed psychiatrists, but rather that small numbers of people will have so much control over new stories, history books, and deeply affecting images as to work major changes in collective attitudes. We saw a pale echo of what is now possible in 1990-91, when Saddam Hussein, the autocrat of Iraq, made a sudden transition in the American consciousness from an obscure near-ally - granted commodities, high technology, weaponry, and even satellite intelligence data - to a slavering monster menacing the world. I am not myself an admirer of Mr Hussein, but it was striking how quickly he could be brought from someone almost no American had heard of into the incarnation of evil. These days the apparatus for generating indignation is busy elsewhere. How confident are we that the power to drive and determine public opinion will always reside in responsible hands? Another contemporary example is the 'war' on drugs where the government and munificently funded civic groups systematically distort and even invent scientific evidence of adverse effects (especially of marijuana), and in which no public official is permitted even to raise the topic for open discussion. But it's hard to keep potent historical truths bottled up forever. New data repositories are uncovered. New, less ideological, generations of historians grow up. In the late 1980s and before, Ann Druyan and I would routinely smuggle copies of Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution into the USSR, so our colleagues could know a little about their own political beginnings. By the fiftieth anniversary of the murder of Trotsky (Stalin's assassin had cracked Trotsky's head open with a hammer), Izvestia could extol Trotsky as 'a great and irreproachable* revolutionary', and a German Communist publication went so far as to describe him as fight[ing] for all of us who love human civilization, for whom this civilization is our nationality. His murderer . . . tried, in * Suggesting that the authorities have learned nothing from their history, except substituting one historical figure for another on the list of Irreproachables. 390
Science and Witchcraft killing him, to kill this civilization . . . [This] was a man who had in his head the most valuable and best-organized brain that was ever crushed by a hammer. Trends working at least marginally towards the implantation of a very narrow range of attitudes, memories and opinions include control of major television networks and newspapers by a small number of similarly motivated powerful corporations and individuals, the disappearance of competitive daily newspapers in many cities, the replacement of substantive debate by sleaze in political campaigns, and episodic erosion of the principle of the separation of powers. It is estimated (by the American media expert Ben Bagditrian) that fewer than two dozen corporations control more than half of the global business in daily newspapers, magazines, television, books and movies! The proliferation of cable television channels, cheap long-distance telephone calls, fax machines, computer bulletin boards and networks, inexpensive computer self-publishing and surviving instances of the traditional liberal arts university curriculum are trends that might work in the opposite direction. It's hard to tell how it's going to turn out. The business of scepticism is to be dangerous. Scepticism challenges established institutions. If we teach everybody, including, say, high school students, habits of sceptical thought, they will probably not restrict their scepticism to UFOs, aspirin commercials and 35,000-year-old channellees. Maybe they'll start asking awkward questions about economic, or social, or political, or religious institutions. Perhaps they'll challenge the opinions of those in power. Then where would we be? Ethnocentrism, xenophobia and nationalism are these days rife in many parts of the world. Government repression of unpopular views is still widespread. False or misleading memories are inculcated. For the defenders of such attitudes, science is disturbing. It claims access to truths that are largely independent of ethnic or cultural biases. By its very nature, science transcends national boundaries. Put scientists working in the same field of study together in a room and even if they share no common 391
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THE DEMON-HAUNTED WORLD<br />
secret police seems possible. What I'm imagining here is not that<br />
each of us has a budget of memories implanted in special<br />
therapeutic sessions by state-appointed psychiatrists, but rather<br />
that small numbers of people will have so much control over new<br />
stories, history books, and deeply affecting images as to work<br />
major changes in collective attitudes.<br />
We saw a pale echo of what is now possible in 1990-91, when<br />
Saddam Hussein, the autocrat of Iraq, made a sudden transition in<br />
the American consciousness from an obscure near-ally - granted<br />
commodities, high technology, weaponry, and even satellite intelligence<br />
data - to a slavering monster menacing the world. I am not<br />
myself an admirer of Mr Hussein, but it was striking how quickly<br />
he could be brought from someone almost no American had heard<br />
of into the incarnation of evil. These days the apparatus for<br />
generating indignation is busy elsewhere. How confident are we<br />
that the power to drive and determine public opinion will always<br />
reside in responsible hands?<br />
Another contemporary example is the 'war' on drugs where the<br />
government and munificently funded civic groups systematically<br />
distort and even invent scientific evidence of adverse effects<br />
(especially of marijuana), and in which no public official is<br />
permitted even to raise the topic for open discussion.<br />
But it's hard to keep potent historical truths bottled up forever.<br />
New data repositories are uncovered. New, less ideological, generations<br />
of historians grow up. In the late 1980s and before, Ann<br />
Druyan and I would routinely smuggle copies of Trotsky's History of<br />
the Russian Revolution into the USSR, so our colleagues could know<br />
a little about their own political beginnings. By the fiftieth anniversary<br />
of the murder of Trotsky (Stalin's assassin had cracked Trotsky's<br />
head open with a hammer), Izvestia could extol Trotsky as 'a great<br />
and irreproachable* revolutionary', and a German Communist publication<br />
went so far as to describe him as<br />
fight[ing] for all of us who love human civilization, for whom<br />
this civilization is our nationality. His murderer . . . tried, in<br />
* Suggesting that the authorities have learned nothing from their history, except<br />
substituting one historical figure for another on the list of Irreproachables.<br />
390