Secular Reinforcement in Aymara Death Ritual'

Secular Reinforcement 

in Aymara Death Ritual' 

\\'ILLIAIM E. CARTER 

Univcrsity of Florida 

Dcallr ritual (5,-rs a ; rirr:ary charnrrl for thc sludy of valucs arld general life orienfalion. As a series of 

eanrfex scnrhal sets,, cocí; of :rhielr Iras multiplc refcrrcnts, it elarifirs and rrinforccs relalionships 

amnrrg lhc li:in; as r/l as beta-ero Iiring and dead.. 1 n anairtical cxanrple is loken fronr the Ay;nara. 

lucir s}•n;bnl set is d'c crihrd in tcrrns of jis rclalionship lo manifes! finte/ ion, social strudure, ecology, 

dogma, and nl%;rr crr,rn;naicc. TAC mosí consislcn/lY rcinforced allilude is fonud lo be lltal of negotivislic 

iotalisnr . Ti:ic ;rrds :!n un /irm ,nuclr lhal has aiready brin nrjiten about the Ayntara, and , v,hen eonrbined 

;ilh brirf ex,;!, irrati,,rls of dcail: ritual in ollra cultores, arguesfor lhe rilc's plas/icily, and ¡Itera 

fore ils anah: ical usr ':dnrss. 

mONICA \Vil,url and Audrey Richards 

^^11 havc lurii arg'acd that ritual symbols 

nave multiple nuaninr;,, or multiple rcferrents. 

Building upan thcir ideas, Victor "I'urncr has 

rcccntly called the s;, mbol tire "moleculc oí 

ritual." I hcause of it, multiple referrent 

capacity it n,ay lL,r"nrc, he suggcsts, thc 

nicans thruugh rvllich; the contlicting private 

and scctional interc-t; uf Secular afTairs may 

be rcintegrated ('Furia r 1965: 159). 

1f such he trae, ritual cvents ofTcr an important 

source fi,r tht' ion nrcrely 

reflects the anthrupofugists' own tbreshold oí 

}oredom (1956:55). .-,1t the sanae time, however, 

shc admits tliat 'ìt is hardly possible for 

one ficld workcr to get all the relcyant material 

ín a ccrcmony." In l.icr words, " thcre is the 

difliculty oí taking I,hotogrrl,hs and simultaneously 

writing note-•, during rites that Cake 

place in l,u,h and v-ill;rge ar:d on the road betwecn 

the tv.o. 'I'hcrc i, also t}re factor oí exhaustion" 

(1950: 62). 

lene pos-¡Me soluti, •n for thc prol,lem would 

Le to concrntrale on the salient features oí a 

rife, mili r than ron i

[CARTER] Aymara Dcath Ritual 239 

carricd out ivithin walled house yards oí senlidispersed 

comnlunities. It was my good fortune, 

howcvcr, that shortly after I moved to 

just such a semidispcrsed, agricultura) community3 

sople thirty miles southwest oí La 

Paz, Bolivia, the grandfathcr oí the man in 

whosc house 1 resided dial. Since rny residente 

was part oí the housc-plot building cluster in 

which the old man had iived, 1 was able to observe 

thc ritual from beginning to end. 

1 anl awarc oí time pitfalls in the use oí a 

single ritual event to illunline social structure 

or sets oí ideas. 1 make no pretense that the 

rite I observed replicates, in every detail, 

funerary rites practicad by other Aymara 

familics in the sanee community, let alone 'in 

other iones oí time altiplano. Ilowever, I never 

again liad thc good fortune to be involved in 

time complete rite, no one cese has described it, 

and its salient features are so prcgnant with 

suggestions concerning Aymara attitudcs and 

bchavior that I belicvc it worth presenting. I 

shall oler, first, a dcscription oí the rite as 1 

%vas afile to witness it; next, 1 shall struggle 

with time diiliculties oí rclating Chis rito to what 

wc know about Aymara structure and ideas; 

and lastly 1 shall attcnlpt to discuss the usefulness 

oí funeral custonis in understanding general 

socio-cultural problcros. 

TIIE RITE 

On time morning oí grandfathcr Mariano's4 

dcath, 1 was working with bis grandson in thc 

fanlily's la Paz tocan housc." The wholc family 

liad known that tlic old elan vas ¡ti, but dcath 

liad come suddcnly, as sonlewhat oí a surprisc. 

A younger grandson bicycled in lo tele us oí the 

event. ]lis older brollier, Andrés, rcacted by 

saving that this was a pity but that, after ale, 

it was lo lec expccted. Mariano liad led a full 

and long ]¡fe. He %vas tired. It was right that he 

should dic. 

']'he two brothcrs thcn bogan lo discuss time 

problcros tfiat Ihe dcalh presentad. Uppermost 

in thcir minds was the probicnl oí gctting the 

body to time cenmctcry. Thc f.nily was one oí 

time nlost respectcd in the community, and 

grandfathcr Mariano h¡ul been a pasado.' It 

would indicale a lack oí respcct if he ocre 

buried in time tiny, rundown ccnielcry that helonged 

lo los local cnntnninity. 'l'ime family, in 

fati, fiad alrcady niadc plans lo ínter hin) in 

Ific mausolcum oí the provincial capital. Ilowcvcr, 

that capital lay somc fiftecn miles frmn 

lucir howc. Therc was no public transporta- 

tion between the two places-in fact, there was 

hardly a foot trail. Juan, Andrés' fathcr and 

Mariano's son, was away in yungas.' I)ecisions 

would llave to be made by thc old man's 

daughter-in-law and grandchildren, since his 

brothers were ale dead. And sincc thcse grandchildren 

werc the only inimediatc male rdatives, 

thc body would have to be borne by 

them. Ilow could they do this? Grandfather 

was heavy; he had put on a great deal oí wcight 

in recent ycars. They would never bear up 

undcr such a load for fiftecn miles. Could I, 

who liad a jeep, transport the body for them? 

They would be forever grateful. Besides, if 

grandfathcr were carried in a motor vchicle to 

tl c cenletery, everyone wc sed see how important 

he liad really been. It ivould mean a great 

deal for time family, for only the very wealthy 

can afford to hire a motor vchicle. 

I consented to use my jeep in this manner 

and ief t to get it. In the meantime, the younger 

grandson returned to 'Mariano's house on his 

bicycle. Andrés and I followed in the jeep. 

On entcring hlariano's houscyard, I saw 

that preparations liad already begun. Some of 

thc bilateral kindred ]la(] begun to arrive. In 

time abscncc oí otlicr clderly men, and in particular 

oí brothcrs oí the deceased , Illariano's 

grinddaughter's fathcr-in-law' liad been called 

in to direct time procccdings. This man, Lucas, 

)la(] been chosen for two basic reasons: first, he 

was oí roughly time lame agc as the deceased, 

and sccond, ]le was an amateur niagician and 

thercfore knew time propcr prtyers and ceremonial 

sequence. 1W'hen he liad arrived, he liad 

been loancd a poncho tliat the Quispe family 

]la(¡ treasured for generations. liright red 

predonlinated, interspcrscd with intricate 

figures that thc Aymara no louger weave. ']'ele 

rest of the family liad put on black , thc peen 

ponchos aud time womcn blankct-typc shawls. 

There was serious discussion about what to 

do in time abscncc oí anothcr clderly man. 

Idcally, only clderly malos should prepare a 

cadaver for burial. But Mariano's daughtcrin-law, 

Filomena, offcred her hele. After ale, 

shc raid, thcy wcre wasting tino. No one 

senior tu lier was around, so shc saw no reason 

wity ,tic could not take parí in Ihc prcparation 

oí time body. 'I'hat. ceded, Lucas went finto time 

room whcre Mariano )la(] dicd. '¡']le old elan 

liad not been nloved. I lowevcr, licalready liad 

a cope oí brtided palrn )caves bound tightly 

around bis ncck.s'l'ime fint thing Lucas (ti(¡ was 

to tighten lime cope even more. As he did so, he

240 A merican A nthro pologist 

muttered that sincc a uirajjorh l (a white roan) 

was present, he did not tvant hin¡ to be bothcred 

by foul odurs. ¡le thcn tunud tu inc and 

asked whetiter 1 sniclled anything ufTcnsive. 1 

assured hito tlutt 1 di(¡ not. 

After this secon

CARTER] Aynrara Deallr Ritual 241 

them down and lo chape ír..i?att rt shcep 

knuckles out of the tall 1, the e ocre 

finished, they, ocre placed in a r un a srnall 

carrying cloth that had been 1,.'! the lluor in 

fruto oí the horly. 'libe ^sh^,le pr,cess took 

about une tour. \Vltcn it ::a^ fic:-hed, Lucas 

led al[ present in praycr, a-:i-._ prnni' ion 

froto variuus spirit bcing; t,, a journcy. 

líe nu:ntioned the spirit of t..- '-,,use (condornurnrarri), 

souls oí dccc.: _l ' aptizcd infants 

(angelitos)," achachíla,, t*.e king of the 

road (tlncqui nt,tllku), thc C r:^ti.tn God, 

Christ, Mary, variuus saint ar: 1 tLe spirits oí 

Illantpu aro! 1fuayna ]>

242 Anterican lulhropologisl 

was fashioned (ruin a tin can tu cn:tble Mariano 

to chop dntvn bush atol trces on bis journey, as 

well as to cliinb perpcndirul:tr ntountain 

slopes ; a sntall stick was addcd tu serve as a 

carie; and a sntall knite (vas provided for 

Mariano's selí defruse. \Vottcn wcre occupicd 

ntost oí the nigltt, betw•ern preparing these 

ítems and cooking thc midnight and niorning 

nteals. \Vhen this tvurk vas done, thcy joined 

thc tren, tubo tverc still perio,olical!y casting 

shcep knuckies un the ¡loor beside Mariano's 

body. Andrés' lit tle brother and sister wcre not 

allowed tu curte intu the. room, for, shuuld titey 

see a dead body, they could be taken away by 

its soul. 

The knuckle gaste continuad, off aud on, un- 

til dawn. \Vonten, as wcll as tren, joinCd in 

during the Iatcr hours. In the intervals wlten 

thC gamo ttuicted duwn, conversation turnad 

to mund:utC affairs. Preparations were discussed 

for a journey sume oí tlte men liad 

planned to tite yungas. A gruup from tlte community, 

including Mariano's son, were therc 

alrcady, opcning up new lands for COi0nilati0n. 

1[ow were they faring? 1[ad thev suffered any 

mishaps? Notlting had beca heard froni thent 

for two wecks! 

Lucas took out his coca bag, placed several 

leaves on his taxi, or coca carrying cloth, and 

then dropped others over them. '['itere was bad 

news, he said. One oí the party had bcen seriously 

injured. \Vould he clic? Lucas divined 

again. No, but he would be badly incapacitated 

for a long period oí timC 1° 

At midnight, indicated by the position oí the 

Southern Cross, everyone in the room turned 

silent and listened for the sounds oí animals in 

neighboring housc plots. A mooing cow, a 

bleeting shcep, a braying donkey, or a barking 

dog was taken as a sign that a person ¡ti that 

housc would soon clic. Lucas and the other 

mourners wcre particularly apprehensive, for, 

whcn he liad bathcd Mariano, the body liad 

been very lime. A limp body indicates that the 

deceased visites to carry others with hin(. The 

few animal sounds they licard at midnight confirnted 

it.2Ó 

A little past midnight, the women brought a 

hot meal and joined the male mourners. In 

eating it, w-e all sat close to the cadaver, for 

this was the ivay that Mariano could hintsclf 

enjoy its spicy olor. Froni midnight to dawn, 

the schedule became flexible. Once in a while 

someone picked up the knuckles and began to 

play. Conversation grew• more sparse and less 

[70, 1908 

cohercnt. A fcw oí tlte younger nu,uruers fitful1v 

slept in the corners oí the room. 

\Vith the iLtwn, surte oí the younger ríen 

w•ent outside the houseyard tu check on the 

state oí aspes that hall been left un the ground 

the nigltt bcfore. hootprints in the aspes indicated 

tite type oí person w•ho would next succunth. 

Mcanwltile, the women returned to tite 

kitchen and prepared a heavy, hot ntcal uf 

meat, chuflo, and potatues.'hhis they scrved to 

the mourners. About eight o'clock, tlte body 

was carricd out into the liouseyard and laid 

again un the lilatfonn oí pules. A ladle full of 

burning enibers was brougitt, and copal was 

placed on top. AIt the adult members of 

Mariano's kindred who liad stayed througlt the 

nigltt knelt in a senticircle around pis body, 

facing cast. Lucas was in the center. 'Che sur 

ha(¡ just broken over the white peales oí the 

Cordillera Real. Beginning with Filomena, 

wlto was at the extreme rigltt, cach took the 

burning ladle, blew incense toward the cast, 

and prayed, ntaking the sign oí tlte cross, repeating 

the Lord's 1'rayer, and mentioning the 

spirit oí tlte housc, God, hcaven, dcparted 

souls, lightning, angelitos, nunterous spirits oí 

prontontories and nnountains, and the king of 

the road. Ten cach Iifted the supplication 

to the spirits oí the itouse and the road: "Give 

us permission to take ibis man from you. 

IICIp us huye a good trip. Forgive us the sins 

we acknowiedge and even those oí which we 

are unaware, and let us go unniolested tvitlt 

this dead person so that he may be buried at 

the right time and may not suffer." Oí the 

angelitos, the mourners pled: "Guardian angels, 

keep us froni the calamity that could 

ovcrtake us." Then they again ntentioned the 

narre oí the Mouse plot place spirit, and finally 

the hoiv virgin carth. "Iloly virgin carth, you 

also must pardon us and give usa good day and 

a good journey, so that we not suffer calamity." 

Blowing incense before thent, they then kissed 

the eartli, begging tate achacltilas to receive 

their stveet sntelling gift. This they follotved 

with a sntall libation oí alcohol and the scattering 

oí some coca leaves, while they said: 

"Drink up, achachilas, drink up." \Vhen the 

last oí tlte group liad presented these offerings, 

all again prayed tate Lord's Prayer. 

Tlte body (vas tlten Iifted by Lucas and 

Andrés and carried froni the house plot to the 

waiting jeep. As they left the housc plot, the 

mourners picked up sticks, stones, pieces oí 

dung, and other loose objects and threw- tltcnt

c,tRTI? R] Aymara Dei Ri'u4 

at tire deccoed. "•I'ake this," thcy said, "for 

you have covetcd it all yuur lile. Once and for 

all, take uur suffcring, atvay with yuu. 1'ou 

have bcen an enviuus one; now yuu have what 

yuu want." t 

As tire body was carried out oí the house 

yard, a ncw, alnwst playful nu,ud ovcrtook thc 

muurners, bordering un f agrant disrc.pect. A, 

cae druve along tic trail tu tln• provincial capital, 

they told une joke after another at the expense 

of tire deceased. Some were ribald in sature. 

Burial for must fantil ¡es is rnadc in the small 

cemetery that lies alungside tire local conomunity 

chapel.This place is unimpresive and 

neglected , anca contains both undcrgruund 

burials and snutll, adobe mau,uleums. A low 

disintegrating wall surrounds ¡t. Jic/rhu grass 

and other wecds cover most uf the ground. 

For burial in the local cemetery, a pair oí 

nonprofessional grave diggcrs from outside the 

kindred are custontarily contacted shortly 

after death. '!'hese meo are cach given a liter 

oí pure carie alcohol in

244 American .1nihropolog isl [70, 1068 

which they hall come, vol refu;ed my offer tu 

drive thent hack in the jeep. Scvertl stops 

wcre tnaule on the tvaty (u rest, checa coca, atol 

drink alcuiwl. 

(inc oí Marianos god-daughlers fiad remained 

in Itis house to prepare for tuca return uf 

the mourners. 1)uring tioir ahsence, she liad 

gathcrcd materials iur a tire sume une luutdred 

fcet foto tlte house. ( )ti sccing tltctn ¡ti the distance, 

she lit thc tire- atol ¡)lit( v(1 un it the cross 

oí palnt leavcs and the picccs uf scotch hruunt 

that liad peen used in decorating and bathing 

tite body. The srutt t hruunt, heing ntoist, gavie 

off considerable smuke. 

Before entering tite house yard, tate tnuurning 

party sloppcd at the Eire in(¡ stuukcd thcir 

clothes. 111 Lucas' wurds, evcryune needed tu 

purify hintself fruta thc stenclt atol cuntantination 

of dcatit. 11'unten removed thcir aguayus 

and oren thcir ponclios ¿Lit(¡ Itcld them over tite 

sutoke. Thc rentainder uf lucir cluthing they 

sntoked by standing urt tito lee sirle of the fire. 

On entering the house yard, all wcre given a 

heavy suppcr. WW iteu it vas finishcd, the more 

distant relatives went to titcir separate honres. 

Lucas, and a few others vito felt deep respect 

for Mariano, rentained for the nigltt. 

Bccause thcy liad not slept for nearly fortyeight 

hours, the night after tite funeral was 

dedicated primarily to rest. On rising the following 

morning, Lucas, tvitlt two oí Mariano's 

older grandsons, took the clotlting tlte old mara 

was wearing just hefore deatlt and washed it in 

a pan in the house yard. On finishing, they 

threw the water up over the house roof "so 

that Mariano's blcssing may stay witit us." 

The clothes wcre dried and tlten put away in 

Mariano's old bedroont.°5 

)•lembers oí Mariano's intntediate family did 

no work for one week following iris death. 

Food was brought in by mentbers oí the kindred. 

On tite evening of the seventit day (the 

víspera, or night before the eigltth day), a 

group of mourners carne together again in 

Mariano's house. At about 6 t'.u. they prepared 

a table, placing ora it tite black poncho 

that had covered tate body during tlie wake. 

Over the poncho they arranged offerings of 

flowers, chuico, bread, qu'ispiita, oranges, 

bananas, and a burning candie. To these they 

added the omnipresent bottle oí alcohol and 

tari of coca. The tapie rested in the exact spot 

where Mariano's body had falo during the 

wake. 

Once the table vas prepared, all bis old 

cluthing and personal belo igings were cara pped 

for hunting. Spared were only largo, itnntuhilc 

itents and tltuse itents specifically designatcd 

tu individual heirs. The bundle was takett itttu 

the ntiddle oí tite house yard, all kneit facing 

east, and libatiuus of alcohol wcre lhruwn un 

the gruund and un tite exterior walls of tito 

house. Ml drank alcohol and cliewed cuca. 

While tltcy knclt, cae¡¡ une praycd, by turra, 

asking pcrmission frunt tlie spirit uf the house, 

road, atol achachiias for reno,val oí the itcnts. 

The aten whu had wasited ILluriano's 

cluthing tite week before now took it out ¡tito 

the entpty pampa. As they leí t they ivere given 

a hottic of alcohol un(¡ a tari oí coca. 1 was out 

afile to witness the hurning, but was told that, 

ore tlte pampa, they could either bura everything 

directly in a dung fire, or clse titey would 

say tite Lord's l'rayer, pour a libatiun uf alcohol 

and cuca un the earth, and tiren separarte 

the hest things for thentselves. As they poured 

tite lihatiuns or burncd the itents, they could 

pray tu tito king oí the ruad that thc dcceascd 

nave a good jourttey, an(1 tltett wuuid ask perrnissioti 

directly front tlte soul oí the deceased 

for tlte use oí Iris things. Ccrtain itents, such as 

pots and scissors, resisted burning. 'l'hese wcre 

broken to pieces. As tite burning proceeded, 

tate two in charge retreated a certain distance 

and ohserved whether curiosity brougltt sonteorte 

to look at the fire, or witethcr ¡ti tlte llantos 

a given person's visage°° or sound " cuuid be 

discerned. If cither oí tltese things occurred, 

they then assured thetnselves that that persun 

was marked to clic soon, even if the visage were 

that of onc oí tlte burncrs hirnself. 

The two assigned to the task oí burning remained 

until tite fire was reduce(¡ to its last 

embers. Thcn they returned to Mariano's 

house and joined in tlte sanee type oí game 

that had beca played the night oí tite wake.As 

they entered tlie room wlterc tito wake liad 

beca held, they first greeted tlte soul and then 

the others present. Thc grecting to tlte soul vas 

the Ave María and tlie Lord's Prayer, preceded 

by tlte words: "Blessed soul, you nave to 

intercede before Cod for your sons. Receive 

this prayer 1 malee to you." 

The sheep knuckle game vas carried out in 

the saíne manner as during the wake, the manifest 

purpose being to supply tlie deceased 

abundantly with goods for needs he- would encounter 

in the next life. It proceeded, off and 

on, all nigltt long , though with a bit lcss entltusiasm 

than during thc wake itsclf.:A cocal

c, wrr; k1 Ayunara I)r,rlk R11«al 2.15 

was scrved in ti¡(- room a little alter ntiduigltt, 

so that the soul could enjoy the odor of fre,itly 

cookcd food. 1 t wa, abundrrnt antl contpusc•d of 

those things the deccased had nwst liked during 

life. 1 was ttld that unless títere were abun- 

(Jant food and drink, the dcceased would 

quickly carry away surte other tnentber oí the 

family. 

froto tinte to tinte one or another of titc 

mourners slept frtfully. A bre. rkfa,t oí coffee 

was served at eight in the ruorning, and a 

heavy hot tncal at nine. Alter the nrcal, the 

roen wcnt outside the huu,c yard and began 

playing a gane calicó palana. '1\vo plotvshares 

w•ere set upright in the ground, approximately 

twenty-frvc fect apart. Standing be,ide one of 

these, cado player tried to knock clown the 

plow•share oppositi hin by titrotving fist-sized 

rocks at ¡t. Mach player was allotved toree tries. 

Ii he was successítil, all inimediately dropped 

to their knces arad repeated tlte Lord's I'ray-er, 

thus syntbolically pushing the deceased one 

step further on bis journcy finto tlte next world. 

'!'hc gaste Contioucd until around noun, 

tvhen the table was taken out oí the room that 

had been used for the wake. [t was carried, 

fully loaded, to the I,ack oí the bou se and there 

unceremoniously duntired. T'ite Ilotvers, alcohol, 

and coca w•ere scattered. The food was 

kept for future use in tire family kitchen.'fhe 

farnily'sresponsibility to the suul liad been discharged 

until Al[ Souls' I)ay. 

1 was unable to bc w•ith Jtariano's family 

tvhen titey celebratctl Al! Souls' Das,.'" 1 did 

get informant material on the celebration, how•ever, 

and w-ill present it for tate lintited nterit it 

may have. 

Even though souls are thougltt to reside in 

another world, they do not automatically rentain 

there. Unless treated properly in the 

years immediately follotving deatit, they return 

and visit nisfortunc upon earthbound 

relatives. To avoid such a scourge, souls must 

be rentembered ¡¡id fed on :All Souls' Day. 

The seconcí Sunday before Ill Souls' is 

know•n as jisc'a alllrapi or day o( sntall purchases. 

It narks the beginning of the accumulation 

oí the goods tlett tvill be dedicated to the 

souls. Fron this date to :All Souls' Day, ríen 

and %vonen dress in idack. 

The Sunday before Al! Souls' is known as 

jací;'a altlrapi, or day oí large parchases. It is 

then that peuple ohtain the rete, tlo vers, confetti, 

paper streanter;, alcohol, and veast 

needed for the celehration. 

(m All Soul,' l)ay itscli, a ,l ,cinc (Lil,it:) i, 

pn pared on the ,pot w hcre thc 1 tody )t tite departed 

soul lay during the w•ak.v. t)tlcring, oí 

bread fashioned ¡Ti the forro oí va,riuu, aniutal 

fruit, cookcd food (priucipally clruñu), coca, 

cigarcttes, and alcohol are placed1 on the,hrirtc. 

Ilurning caedles are set before it.. 

$eginning at six ¡Ti tite afterm,non, groups oí 

young peuple go front huuse to huuse to pray 

for the dead. Soase mask thensclves as 

travders; others as old raen. .:As they enter 

cach huuse, they greet the soul with ('athulic 

canticies, and then offer toree 1p,rayer,, cither 

extentporrncuus or patterned o:,n a Catholic 

model, for the soul's nell beietg. Fur their 

efforts they reccive gifts oí sinintal-shapetl 

breads, along with alcoltol and' coca. During 

the night, the extended family ccltats, periudically 

prays, and rece¡ ves other grt:,ups of prayerrnakers. 

Ott the following o turning, both 

mourners and prayer-maker., go tu the 

cemetery. There they greet tftc soul tvitit 

further prryers and decorate tlate grave ivitit 

food frorn tite house shrine, canes.., conietti, and 

strcuucrs . Grou¡,s oí prrycr-ntail:ers go irunt 

grave to grave. No lunch is ca^:ten until thc 

lattcr part of the afternoon, at ,ter the souls 

have icen dispatched w•itir fan_well prayers. 

Once there prayers nave been raid, odcring, 

are broken to pieces. The nu,uru,crs retrcat ¡Ti 

thcir small grou ¡,s to about a killonteter fruto 

the cemetery and there, before rer;urning homo, 

they eat the food that they br?uugitt in the 

morning. 

']'he possibility oí slighting a, reccntly departed 

ghost soul is constantly t,n the minds 

of the Aymara. Souls oí individtaals ivho died 

in great pain or olio w•ere burde•ned by great 

worry are especially hazardous. `t1'onen who 

have left small children behind are also feared. 

Dogs that cry are said to he souls begging 

consolation. So intimate are tiaese animals 

with the w-orld oí the dead that une mav see 

vandering souls easily by taking a dog's eye 

natter and appiving it to one's u;was eyes. Individuals 

w-ho have done this cla;irn that they 

see ghost souls constantly, and' though respected 

for this ability they live in such fear 

that they dare nut venture out al(,)ne at nigitt. 

The workings oí a slighted glaost-soui are 

easily perceived. They may be leen in a poor 

harvcst, in the advent of illness, usr ¡Ti violent 

deatit. To cite une exanple, when grandiather 

Mariano dicd, one of bis gudstxt (go(1son of 

first hair-cutting) \vas so busy plot;:t ir.g that loe

246 Anterican Anthropologisl (70, 1968 

did not come to the \vake. \\'hen the cighth-day 

comnunwration ovas heud, he vas busy rcc civing 

the s,trilia pi, a post-marital svcdding gift. A 

w•cek later, bis mothcr seas rcturning heme one 

rainy aftcrnuon. Walking alung the railroad 

tracks, she failed tu ltcar an unruslting train 

and was crusltcil to deatli. Menibers oí 

1\Iariano's fantily were not surprised.'fhe ghost 

oí thc old man was nierely taking bis duo. 

\\'cll-tnatcd gho,ts, on thc oflier hand, can 

bring goucl furtunc, abunrlant harvests, fertite 

livestock, and oven monctary afiluencc. 

Just as relativas who move to the city 

gradually lose contact witlt their honre conimunitics, 

so ghost-souls fade little by little. 

By the orad oí the third ycar, Aymara fccl that 

ghost-souls can safely he ignored.21'Tose who 

can aflord it invite extended fantily menthers 

and friends tu engage in a furious celebration 

upon contpletion oí the All Souls' ceremonias. 

Bands are hired, and joy buhbles uver in a 

(lance knuwn as the ctcharpaya. In synibolic 

detiance oí the ghost-souls, who are now 

posvcrlcss to tltrcatcn, the danccrs stomp un 

the tombs oí the "gentiles" (i.e., low burial 

mounds dating from preconqucst times). And 

so cnds the last oí the burial ritos. 

THE CONCEPT OF SOULS 

In attempting to interpret the ceremonias I 

have just described, I svish 1 could argue that 

they are cxact prototypes oí death ritual for all 

Aymara-spcaking pcoples. But, even in the 

strictest oí systems, accident, chance, and individual 

choice inevitably affect the execution 

oí standardized cultural acts. In a system as 

loosely structured as is Aymara religion, these 

factors give risa to considerable variation 

between one ritual performance and anothcr. 

Since a certain degree oí variation is inlierent 

in the repeated performance oí any cultural 

act, many European anthropologists nave despaired 

oí finding meaningful order in empiricism 

and nave taken refuge in what tltey assume 

to be the neat order oí ideology, as represented 

by cosmology, doctrine, and myth (Turner 

1965:158). Unfortunately, the assumption that 

ideology is alw•ays orderly seems not to be 

valid for the Aymara.A case in point, and one 

essential for the understanding oí death ritual, 

is their conccpt oí souls. 

Practically all accounts oí Aymara souls 

have bccn confused. Tschopik, who obviously 

spent a great deal oí time trying to get consistent 

information about them, concluded that 

not only do informants difíer fruto une anothcr 

in their opinions, bit that specific informants 

are thentseivcs cuntrulictury and incottsistent 

('1'scitupik 1951:210). My uwn experience lías 

bccn similar tu his, leading roe tu believe that 

in present day Aymara culture, pcrsonally 

varying dcfinitiuns oí this dimensiun oí man 

are allowahle ami are tmt cunsidcred tu he disruptive 

tu social coitesivcncss. A fcw exampies 

will suflice. 

\\'hen asked to define souls, une 18-year-old 

informant, Saturnino Ch'oke, said that caclt 

man has tour of thcm: ajayu, jaiiayu, oraje and 

ttninca. A il oí these appear in the forran oí persons, 

tlte four being the cante as tite Spanish 

alma which, in turra, is a m:ui's shadow. A 

sccond informant, Epifaniu Condori (27 years 

old), enumerated the lame four souls, though 

he said that it is tic ajayu that is specifically, 

equated with the alma. According tu hico, any 

or all oí these souls may he lost, and when this 

happens illness cnsues. It may be combated by 

calling in a curer (kolliri) who disrobes the patient 

and gives hico a ritual hath "remuving al¡ 

tlte filth." Tic bath water is taken tu a sacred 

spot (lugar awilika) and prayers malle to the 

place spirit and to the spirits oí tite roads and 

mountains, whcrcupon the soul may return. 

Thc conccpt oí soul loss appears to be fundamental 

to the system. A third informant, Fernando 

Chinapiri (16 years old) described to me 

in autobiographieal tercos how his own various 

souls had bcen lost and recalled: 

When I was a little boy, I liad a homespun skirt. 

One day, when I.svas riding astride a donkey, 1 hecame 

entangled and fell into tic river. My mothcr 

saw what had happencd and pulla) ate out. But 

then I becante ill. So my mothcr went to the river, 

took my stocking cap, ami heat it against tic 

ground, crying: "Animas, ajayus, corajes that 

have left Fernando 's body, come back, come 

back." Then she spit ora her índex finger and with 

it lifted up a bit of earth.'I'his she gane Inc to cat 

so that I might recover my souis. We returned 

honre, and I liad no atore nced of a eurer. 

Fernando added that the ajayu oí dead people 

may return to the contmunity from time to 

time. Its appearance indica tes the approaching 

death oí someone in the household visited. 

If a patient is too ill to )cave his sick bed, it 

appears that an iniage substitute may be used 

to recall the soul. Andrés Quispe recounted for 

me the mattner in which his mother, Filomena 

(a kitiwiri , or person knowing how• tu recall 

souls), had brought his brothcr's soul back:

CARTI•;lt] Aymara Deatla Ritual 247 

She ha,¡ a dolí re lrccscnting nty I,rolhcr by hcr 

si,le. First she bogan by kneeling and I,raying the 

I.ord's Prayer and rcciting the Apostles' Creed 

three ti roes.'I'hen she callcd the ajayu by holding 

out a tari full of bread, rin, ing a little bell, and 

shaking a rosary. As she did lhis, she be ged the 

spirits oí thc road not to impele the progress of 

the ajayu, and tossed libations oí alcohol ami reine 

for them. Once finisherl with the prayers and 

lihations, she returned borne , took the bread, and 

placed it on my brother's herí. The rosary she 

wrapped around bis neck. She forbeule anyune to 

speak with hico for the following tltrce days. 

The most complete in(¡ internally consistent 

picture oí Aymara souls was given by Cornelio 

Caranavi, an aged yaliri, or diviner, According 

to hint , every rasan has five souis: ajayu, :anima, 

jafiayu, q'amascr, ami coraje. The most intportant 

oí these is the ajayu. It is the principle 

shade. When it leaves the body, serinus and 

oven fatal illness ensues. Fright (susto) may 

cause such soul loes, in(¡ it is evident that this 

has happened when a person heconres jumpy 

and jittery. Red blots that give tlte budy the 

appearance oí having peen maltreated or 

heaten are anothcr symptom oí soul luss. The 

ánima is the small shade all roen possess. It, 

too, may be lost, but may be callcd back fairly 

easily. Loss oí the áninta never Ieads tu dcath, 

for the person still has bis big shade, or ajayu. 

Tete jañayu is a soul oí even less intportance. 

Its loss may also come through frigltt and is 

manifestad by tlte appearance of slight hcadaehes 

and dizziness. 'l'ila q'amasa revrds itself 

principally in a man's ability tu impress and 

intimidate others. An overbcaring man is one 

whose q'amasa is large and strong; a timid 

man is one whose q'antasa is weak. Just as 

may happen to otltcr souls, a q'amasa may be 

lost. When this occurs, the person becomes 

dispirited, depressed, and filled with self-doubt. 

The last oí the five souls, coraje, is just thatcourage. 

It is this soul that enables people to 

stand up and face individuals with large and 

strong q'amasas. A person with well-developed 

coraje is not easily frightened and almost never 

falis ili. Ncither is he afraid tu walk alone at 

night. líe is audacious, fearing no one and no 

thing. 

The fact that the more complete picture oí 

Aymara souls comes froni older inforni ants, 

and from part tinte religious specialists, indicates 

that age and profession may be significant 

variables in the developmcnt oí the soul 

conccpt. Buffeting by Spanish cultural forros 

has increa ed signifu-antly, in thc la-,t twcnty 

ycars. 'fhe youu,,, up durin,r tbis 

period of chango, appcar lo have nnly ltartially 

assimilatcd the idcolugiral ctte ' rice of their 

progenitors, anrl oftcn fu,c otero with categories 

filtering through such rrttional in.,titutions 

as the Churclt and -cli to1.30 

It does sccnt significant, husecver, that all 

informante agrec un tlrree oí the soul co,ncepts: 

ajayu, ánima atol coraje. Lacte of tlteoc 

is interpreted as a gradient relevant irt soul 

loss. The q'amasa and the jariayu secar tu be 

oí periplieral irnportarice, in(¡ rnust likely svill 

be the first ones lost in a setting where bcliefs 

are being streamlined by syncretisrn, other 

confusing concepts are being introduced, ami 

teacliers are limiting thentselves to pas,in;; „it 

only essentials to anyone otlter than an autherttic 

religious specialist. 

There is sonte qucstion as to wltcther all five 

concepts should be honored svitlt the status of 

souls, however. Bot}r coraje and q'amasa appear 

to be attributes related tu tire state oí 

souls, rather tiran souls themselves. They beconte 

significant ntainly in thcir al„ence, whiclt 

is reflected in ntild psychic disturbance. In this 

sense, they correspond closely to 'ayt,l and 

steF.anc oí tlte Saliste-attributes oí souls but 

not the sanee thing as souls.3' 

Concepts concerning the eventual destiny oí 

these souls seeni just as varied as do these concerning 

thcir identity and nature during lile. 

Sonte younger Aymara males, having liad considerable 

contact with tlte outside world, huid 

a fairly orthodox Catholic view. In speaking oí 

bis grandfather \[ariano's deatli, Andrés 

Quispe, for example, said: 

11hen a person clics, all bis souis are taken prisoner 

by the devils [sic]. They are held as if in jail. After 

some time these, they have to be weighed according 

to the sins they huye conunittcd. Those scith 

many sins go to hell, wherc eternal fine scorches 

their bodies. Tltose with few sins ... the angels 

sent by God ... are taken to heaven so that thev 

may enjoy eternal tefe. Souls (cave the body at tlte 

moment of death. The thing the mourners carry 

to the cemetery is merely the body. 

This point oí view, hosvever, is hardly consistent 

with the ritual in ss•hich Andrés participated 

during the days follosving bis grandfather's 

death, so it is not surprising that, on 

anothcr occasion, he gavie quite a contradictory 

statement concerning the destiny of souls. 

This was entirely in keeping svith bis grandfather's 

funeral.

248 American Anthropologisl 

Ilefore tleath, tlie soul may begin to walk cvcrywhcre 

at night. Vou can hcar it crying. In tlie 

morning, whcn thc pcrson wakcs, he- fecls vcry 

tired, for he has travclled Lar. If, in thcse traveis, 

he visits tl u,e places he has nade a journcy to ¡ti 

life, he knows that dcath is tocar, atol hegins to 

divide bis thiugs up :)long his hcirs.''d At dcath, 

the untls are taken prisoner by the devil. Thcy remain 

prisoner until (he lady is huried. Tliv night 

uf thc burial, ;Lit the 5)1115 in the ccnieterv rcccive 

the newconier tvith sotttg and dance. Thcy force 

hico to dance until he- fans front exhaustion. They 

even have a sltecial tuve with which they rcccive 

hin, and 1 hcard it une night whcn 1 teas passing 

the ceinetery. It was: 3'as phtiscalula aumya. 

Amaya, amuya. (Itug-nosed dcad nato, dcad oran, 

(lcad nuan.) 

:\fter he has danced tvith the spirits of the centetcry, 

the soul begins his journey. 1 te has tu walk 

over pampas, up nountains, and acruss rivers. Ife 

operas his way with a little hatchet. Eight days his 

journcy lasts, and if he has sinned much it may 

take longcr. If he has lcd a good life, his first task 

in heaven is to swcep. If ladeo with sitos, he must 

begin bis work by making hail with his tare 

hands?' 

\Vhen asking ahout the destiny of souls, 1 

was told of une man tulio claimed to llave dicd 

and returned tu life. Everyone 1 spoke with 

agreed 1 ntust see hin. This oran vas in his 

forties, and delighted itt telling his story. It 

seems that he liad been vcry ill, and that he 

had finally died. Ilis family carne to mourn, 

and his soul left his body." \Vhat he claints 

then happened to hin offers ato interesting 

syncrctization of Catholic with nativo Aymara 

belicfs: 

[70, 1908 

\V'hen 1 dicd, my Lunily carne together and erial 

hitter tears. I rencmhcr that my -pul walked 

duwII a very narruw path. I wcnt thruu} h the city 

of frogs, then thruugh tire city of 1izards, and 

finally throogh tire city of snakc,. Around nie viere 

many othcrs tt ¡lo liad dia 1. '¡*Ir(- road was tortuous; 

tve liad to walk oto top of ncedics.:\ftcr we 

had gane sume distance, we carne- tu a fork itt the 

road. Tu one sirle was Ildi, atol :all thc sintiera 

were going in there. It was full of tire, atol tire 

people entering there were like the throngs that 

Ilood to totvn on narket day. '1'11 the othcr sido of 

tire fork was a city. At its entrance thcre was a 

wirajjocha tvho acta1 as g:ate kccl,cr. To cach whu 

arrived, he said: "\\'hy lave you camc:'" \Chen 1 

reached hint, he- frowvned atol said: "Vuu llave no 

business heing Itere." :\t that, 1 sao our rclatives 

all those whu liad died. Thcy were working 

just incide the city wall, shaping aspes iota adobes. 

nthers werc trying tu build chapels with thesc 

adobes. But cach time that they werc about to 

start the roof, the walis fe¡¡ in, and tlie had tu 

begin all over again. This was the way they spent 

all their tinte. There werc flowers along the walls, 

and the angelitos were watering them. These were 

baptized children olio had dicd before they 

learned to speak. Baptized, they go directly to the 

city; unhaptized, they desccnd to Ilell. The children 

who reach hcaven lly with wings, :and let a 

ribbon fall so that their godparents Jt whcn they 

have to tread the road of death, may grab hold 

and thus be saved. This is a good thing, (or it is 

very dillicult to reach hcaven. 

1 ¡ti(¡ watcheol -lit these things longcr than 1 

realized. The wirajjocha spoke to nte again, and 1 

hecatue frightened--so frightened that 1 turned 

around and headed homo. 1 soon found ntyself 

together with other souls. \Ve tvere al¡ w•alking 

TABLE 1. I\TERPRETATIO\ oF AvMAR :\ DE:ATIL RITUAL IN RELATION TO SOCIETC, EcOLOGI', A\D DOGMA * 

Symbol set .1fa,tifest funclion Social slructtrre 

1. Gathering of the kindred To show the comntunity how ¡ni- Reinforces existing social ties, 

portant the deceased was since the kindred is, af ter the 

nuclear family, the most 

important social unit.

CÁRTER] Ayn,ara Death Ritual 2,11) 

along the rua,l ncar I'ucana (tht provincial 

capital). Froni there tu hcre 1 reinen 1,er nuthing. 

1 woke up at honte. 

INTl;R1'ItF:l'ATIO1i 

Exhaustiva cxvnpies of the individual variations 

found in Ayniara death ritual and in associaterl 

cuttccirts oí the ghost-soul could he 

presented here and suhntittcd to statistit:al 

analysis. Clyde Kluckhuhn, in hi, .V,rrr¡ho 

1Vilchcruft (1962), has antply dinuwstrtted 

that such an approach can he higily productive. 

Unfortunately, 1 was unahle to gather 

such hruadiy hased iofurmation. In my 

defense, how•ever, it may he pointed out that 

statistical asa lysis dues not necessarily guarantee 

a foolproof interpretation oí religious materials. 

It can, indeed, give a misleading cense 

oí security. Individuad variation oí specific detai1s 

in either ritual or doctrine nuty he quite 

irrelevant tu the fundamental places these 

things huye in any given society. Fernandez, 

in lis recent study oí Fang religion, has hclped 

us to uutlerstand deis by pointing out that 

social and cultural con:,ensus are by no mcans 

the same thing. Social consensus derives from 

agreement on signs; cultural consensus from 

agreenient on symhols. And social consensus 

is all une necds íor the onguing cohesion oí any 

religiousgroup (lernaudcz 1965 :913). 

Because religious symhols possess multiple 

referrents, tlic corres¡ undc¡ice hetsveen them 

anca other parts of culture is rever exact. Even 

though Victor' l'urner argues that the plurality 

oí reference at the rcligiously symbolic level 

centralizes what secular activities disperse 

and confound ('l'urner 1965:160), this very 

drawing together oí dispersed and sometimes 

cuntradictory behavior, attitudes, norms, and 

values makes any single explanation oí ritual 

and doctrinal sets inadequate. Does this mean, 

/iculog v 

Soil is oí very• uncven tluality. 

Land is hroken intu tiny, scattered 

parceis tu assure a more e(luable 

distrihution. On such small plots 

minimal coo,,crative aiork groups 

are the most practicable; thcse 

tend tu he drawn from the 

kindred. 

TABLE 1 . (Continued) 

then, that ave Should givc up atl attr•rntrt at 

ntcaningful analy,i; of religiou .'lata-, 1 tlrink 

not, fur by searehing out corre-1»i deiti • 

either statistically or nunStat¡>ticully, .ve cut 

always gain sume insight ¡tito tito fuottion; oí 

a rito, even if this he nothing more tito a 

growing unrlcrstanding oí thu aecular phc 

noniena that the rito strongly ,upport-^ and 

those that it dors nut. 

1 am by no mcans the fine tu lave facc,l tic 

dilemrna Oí a shm ohservation and infor, tant 

base hut highly suggcstive data. In her analy- 

sis oí the Chisuugu rite, Audrey Richards ' as 

faced svith tlte sauna problem. Though aseare 

oí pitfaIIS,'b slte procecded to judge the- itnportance 

of different scctiuns of the s¡ngly-observed 

rite on the hasis oí the coniplexity, 

time, and interest attachcd tu cach of them, 

and was thus al,le tu illumine and alter 

grcatly our understanding oí Itunha Socicty, 

(Richards 1956: 1.11). 

In dealing with ritual, anthropologists do 

not always get the henefit oí a repeat performance. 

Thcy nnrst make do with what they 

have. Yet the une performance tltey w itncs; 

may he pregnant w•ith aloes for under,tanding 

the estire cultural system with which they 

are working. 'I'bis 1 helieve tu be particularly 

trua with regard tu funertry ritual, for it jets 

up the ground rules for relating to a per,on 

W110 has ju,t pa-sal into tlic nto-t perrnauent 

status a societv has tu offer." It is tlii, bclief 

that leauis me to fiare take synibol sets from a 

single case of Aymara death ritual anrt tu 

search out thcir more obviuus referrents 

(Table 1). 1 select these sets on the oasis oí the 

tinte and interest attached to thcm during tila 

ceremony, as wcll as during conversations 

ahout the ceremony w•ith a number o ► informants. 

The referrents 1 orrler un ler the hroad 

categories oí social structure, eeology, dogma, 

Expression in oaher ceremonias Dogma 

The kindred is prescnt at all life Just as men have mejor rights of 

crisis ceremunies and is free lo access only to in,aividualizerl 

attend familistic curing ritos. plots, so spirits are ticd tu speci- 

The kindred supports a man tic(¡ plots. Ghost-s,tits rea.aard 

when tic sponsors a Catholic and punish only auca w-ho are 

feast day. eloselyconnected eitì thcir 

former huuse plot, i.e., orar 

relativos.

250 American .tnlhropologist [70, 1968 

TABI.E 1. (Cunlinncd) 

Symóol se¡ 31anifcil funclion Social struci re 

2. Selection oí an elder malo 

kinsman for the conduct of thc 

cerentony, 

3. l1'oman is allu^^ cd to ti(-¡¡) prepare 

thc cadaver in the 

absence oí appropriate man 

4. Choking oí the deceased «ith 

braidcd palco leaves 

5. 1)rinking alcohol 

6. Reading oí omens on the 

corpsc 

7. Stripping oí the corpsc in thc 

open patio 

To assure that the prayers are 

correctly -raid, lince older males 

know thent bcst 

Rite leader necds hele in perforniing 

certain tasks 

'1'o contbat thc foul olor 

To combat the foul olor 

To know what has happcned to 

the soul; to know oí any danger 

to survivors 

To prepare for the ritual bath 

Males mercase in authority as 

they age; they hold on to 

authority until they dic. 

Nomen are consultad on all 

major family decisioos; though 

thcy are not selected for 

community otlice, they frequeutly 

speak at nicetings. 

There is long suppressed hatred 

oí tyrannical old men and 

frequent litigation over inhcritance 

rights. Close kin are often 

most feared enemies. Choking 

the deceased gives an outlct for 

suppresscd hatrcd oí those 

closcst to onc. 

Trust is cultivated through 

mutual inebriation (becausc all 

are equally incapacitated?). 

Prestige is based on pcriodic 

gifts oí food and drink on festive 

occasions. A general spirit oí 

camaraderie accompattics heavy 

drinking. 

Socicty is basicallr compet itive 

and vengeful . One nntst read thc 

signs in order to know who 

wishes hico harnr and what one's 

predestined successes and 

failures might tic (cspecially in 

tercos oí the ideal sel tuencc oí 

]¡fe statuses and roles ). Through 

such knowledge , one can icarn 

how hcttcr to live with reality 

and perhaps cvcn to manipulate 

it. 

Authority oí thc elderly prevails 

but is resented . Stripping the 

corpse denics this authority hy 

reducing the deceased to thc 

level oí a defenseless infant, for 

the latter are thconly persons 

normally, disrobed in puhlic. Since 

the society is prudisu and nudity 

is rare, stripping the corpse also 

offers ritual contpcnsation for 

suppresscd sexual curiosity.

CARTI kJ Aymara Death Ritual 251 

TABLE 1. (Continuad) 

ItologY Expression in other ceremoníes Dogma 

Sedcnt;ty, a rcultural econonty 

leads to an on traditional 

tcchniqucs ar,,l practiceS. Uld 

men contince tu l,e active 

produccrs, and ca,ntrol younger 

men's accc-s tu land. 

«'omen actively encae in agricultural 

pro,lcction; thry have major 

reslonsihi!ity, for animal cate; 

thcy control the purse strings. 

Extreme scarcity of agricultural 

land malees o!d men reluctant to 

hand it ovcr even to legitimate 

heirs, and the heirs are themselvcs 

suspicious of une another. 

The climate is co',d, uncomfurtable, 

and ditlicult . Drink ufers "central 

heat ." It given escape from 

constant coneern over crop failure 

and inadequate food supply. 

Because of perpetual scarcity, 

eommunion lKtwecn the spirits 

and men de pends on the sharing 

of essentials. 

Crop suecess is highly unpredictable. 

Agricultura) divination is 

constantly practiced in an attempt 

to reduce resulting anxiety. 

Rcligious specialists (diviners, 

magicians, mediutus) tend to be 

elderly males. 

A few religious specialists are 

fernale, namely certain diviners, 

curcrs, and midwives. 

Since sorcery is suspected frum 

one's close kindred, countersorcery 

frequently is directed 

against them. I'alm Icavcs are 

commonly used to protect crops 

against hall and frost, as wc11 as to 

lift a hex froni the house. 

All ritual must begin with lihations 

and consumption of alcohol. 

Liquor oftcn distinguishes the 

sacred froni the profane. 

Divination is often required to 

determine the type of cercmony 

needed in a given situation. 

Distase diagnosis and crop 

outcome are also determinad 

through divination. 

Respect for the elderly is r rtended 

lato tlie spirit world. 

Principal spirits are the achactiilas 

(froin jach'a „chita="big 

gran(ifather"?). 1'rayers to 

achachilas often end with the 

words : "wc are your chihlren." 

Respcct for female elders ís 

extended into the spirit wordd. 

;Iwilitas (from the Spanish 

abuelita ="little grandmother") 

are important spirits, secondary 

only to achachiLrs. 

Opon death souls attempt to 

leave the body. Loosc s.nrls ntay 

bring crup failure and dcath. 

I'alnt leaves have magical power 

because thev have Leen bles,rvl 

by the priest; if properly 

tightened thcy may prevent the 

soul's escape. 

Trust, whether behecen men, or 

behseen men and spirits, is 

rphenieral; it unrst constantly Le 

renewed through hospitalle 

generusity. If spirit are not fcd 

and given drink, they becume 

resentful and vengeful. 

The wordd is filled with signs that 

reveal the occult as well as the 

future. These may be real with 

case by anyone knowing thc 

"rules." 

Perpetua!!y cool climate and lack During certain curing rites , the Nudity, even in intercourse, is 

of fuel for hrair,g makes the entire family is stripped in sinful and may bring punishment 

constant use of ? ravy woolens preparation for a ritual bath by on the whole community. Abordesirable 

if r..ot imperative . the curer (yatiri or curandero), tions bring crop -killing frost and 

though chis is ahcays done hail and may even cause cripplin 

indoors. and fatal disease.

252 .1neriritu :I n1hropologisl [70, 1968 

Sytnóol sel 

8. Itattung uf ttic corp.;c uitlt a 

"tea" of palni (caves aml 

scotch hroon> 

9. Dressing of the corpsc in bis 

hestclothes 

10. 1'Iacing of thc corpsc in the 

hest room in thc housc; 

covering the corpsc with a fine 

poncho 

11. Decorating of the corpse with 

a braided palco leaf cross; 

placing of liglited candlcs at 

the hcad and foot of the corpsc 

12. Deferencc shown to older 

people and guests; best scats 

in the housc reserved for them 

13. Knucklc gamc 

14. Fashioning of missing knuckles 

from candle tallow 

T.ût.i. 1. (Conliuurd) 

%faliifi ti ¡orn /ion 

'I'o get rid of lhc tilth 

To assure tlutt the son1 will be 

respectcd opon lis arrival in the 

next Iife 

To help estahlish status ¡n the 

aftcr world 

To givc the deceased the family's 

hlessing 

To give theni the respect thcy 

are due 

To provide for the soul's journey 

into the next Iife 

To obtain nccdcd ritual 

equipntent 

Social slruclure 

Since children :u c nurmally 

sanctioned by bcinf; dipped ¡tito 

pans of cold water, bathing of the 

corpse may he retatcd tu thc 

delire to punish thc dcceased for 

having brought a new thrcat to 

the alrcady hescigcd kindred 

Thc road ti) social prestige is 

gained partly through the 

display of expensive clothing. 

Certain iteras arad pattcrns of 

clothing designatc certain types 

of authority . Fiestas are times of 

conspicuous clothing display, 

and dress is frequently criticireil. 

Family prestigcrank depends ora, 

because it is manifcstcd hy, 

graded dis1 haya. 'Fu rough 

conspicuous display, the family 

attcntpts to upgrade its dead tu 

thc highest leve) possible in thc 

prestige-rank. 

"Christian" socicty, is superordinate 

to Aymara socicty. I.ip 

scrvicc to national institutions is 

part of thc price of heing lcft more 

or less alune. 

Age and knowledge are respectcd. 

Economic pow•er tcnds to concentrate 

in thc hands of the 

eldcrly and of thosc w•ith 

considerable formal cducation. 

Close friends ami relativas may 

turra against une. To prevcnt 

this, he must give thcm what 

they request. In the knuckle gamc 

ntourners attempt to give the 

deccased ahundant goods so 

that he will have a hcad start in 

the ncxt Iife. 

Though thcre is a rather strict 

division of labor, substitution is 

allowablc to carry out nccessary 

husincss (e.g., Filomena helping 

to prepare the cadaver).

t' ut tt:k) rndra De

25.1 Anaerican Atnthropologisl (70, 1968 

Synrbol sel 

15. Düdnight total 

16, Sharinf) Oí thc odor of food 

with the dcad 

17, Cargo preparation and 

placcurent 

18. Requcsting oí perroission fur 

reinoval uf the curpse froto the 

houseplot 

19, Removal oí the curpse and 

journcy to thc puriñ uta and 

cemetery; joking at thc 

expense ofthe dcccasal 

20. Requests that thc deceased 

take the suftcrings oí the 

houschold with hito 

21, Catholic burial rite 

22. Return homo by a different 

route and furnigation 

Tnut. t: 1. (C'onlirred) 

dfanifesl fundiun 

To relieve hunger, share food 

with the dcccasal, and soba up 

the mourncrs 

'1'o assure the deceased uf thc 

mourners' cuncern that he now 

enjoy abundant lifc 

To equip the dcccasal for his 

journey intu the next life 

'lb avoid the jealousy of place 

spirits 

To gct rid oí the cadaver 

To get relief froto suffering 

So that other Acople know that 

the deceased's family is an 

important one 

To lose the soul; to cleanse away 

the stench oí the curpse 

Social slrndare 

1?ating and drinking together is 

thc oasis oí social)ility. 

Social solidarity' lies in mutuitl 

sacritice; frequent conunensality 

hinds the kindred togcthcr. 

l'arents provide lunchcs for 

children; wives prepare heavy 

provisions for husbands' long 

journeys. 

Property is individually held and 

jealously guarded. Renrovul is 

granted only when adequate 

eompensation has been marle. 

Therc is patterned submissiveness 

to authority, out ridicule oí it 

when it is incapable oí striking 

back. Therc is upen respect oí the 

oid, out inner resentment oí their 

power. Ambivalente! 

Latent and manifest social 

hostilities pronwte individual 

stress. 

Catholicism is the religion oí the 

superorclinate whites and 

Mestizos. Churches are located 

only in towns ami sities. Chapels 

in the Indian conrmunitics are 

used only once or twice in a year. 

Priests aiways reside in Mestizo 

ami white towns. Ability to pay 

for Catholic scrvices denotes 

wealth,therdore prestige. 

Society rids itsclf oí all traces oí 

the dcad individual' s presente in 

the hopos that it may thus remove 

al¡ attractions for hito to continue 

to use his property.

CARTEKI 

IúotoRy 

Short fuud Snpplics make thc 

giving of fuud an act of sclf 

saerilice. 

Sp1 1 . S uóójt. 

There is locally no ready nreans of 

rapirl transportados. Trips 

frequently are nrade by fuot and 

mulehack tu exchange pruducts 

with senritropical valley dtvellers. 

Therefore the cuncept of snrall 

cargues is conuuun. 

Natural resources are in short 

supply. There is cnough to satisfy 

only a small margin above subsistence 

needs. Scarcity produces 

covetousness. 

Organic decongwsition quickly 

convcrts a tlead honran body in tu 

a frightening object. 

Physical environment produces 

physical sufTering and anxicty. 

The local economy is directly 

dependent un the regional and 

national markct. 

Limited amounts of productive 

land conihined witlr moderate 

demographic increase make it 

imperative that thcre he a rapid, 

complete, and indisputable change 

in ownership of land. 

Aymara Death Ritual 

TAnl.e 1. (Conlinur(1) 

Fxpression in otlrcr cr,e nonies 

All crisis rites anrl rcligiou:s 

fiestas are aecumpanicd by 

generous exchanges of fuud and 

drink. 

Stt 15 aóovt. 

Menriers of the kindred often 

contribute to the cost of ritual, 

or bring gifts tu help defray the 

cost of religious fiestas. 

Any tinte any item is permanently 

removed frunr the house plut, 

pernrission nurst be rerfuested 

frorn the spirit (possessor) of 

that plot (e.g., tvcddings, 

inheritance ceremonies). 

Engagement, tvcddings, and 

inheritance cerenu>nies are also 

peranrhulatory, taking place 

alternately in the bride's, 

groom's, and godparents' houses. 

As the party gocs frornr place to 

place, thcre usually is much 

joking and laughing. 

llousehold rituals (e.g., offerings 

tu the spirit of the housc plot) 

include repeated supplications 

for the removal of suffering. 

Catholic prayers are interspersed 

with extemporancous Aymara 

prayers in practically all ritual. 

Catholic paraphernalia (crosscs, 

cantiles, rosarios, paln>s, carved 

saints) are found in all honres 

and are regularly used for private 

ritual. 

Cleansing through ritual baths 

in curing ceremonias 

Dogm.r 

Zis 

Spirits gru,v restlt-s ar.,l f,:l 

if not prupcrly fc,'t. 

lí nat fila welI, s iir¡i5 trf! 'Yit out 

of the kimin•,I an

256 

Synibul set 

23. 11 xshing of tlu deceascd's 

clothing 

21. "l '' ing uf wa ,h water unto 

llu• house roof 

25. h:ighth-day cerenuny, 

(gatherint; of kindre 1, 

selection of elder male as rito 

tender, use of alcohol, reading 

of unrcns, placing of ofíering, 

knucklc gane, and shared 

cocal) 

26. Eighth-day ceremony: real and 

sytnholic destruction oí the 

deceased's personal goods 

27. Eiglith-day ccremony: palar¡a 

gamo 

28. Disposal of thc eighth-day 

offerings to the soul 

A merican Antluopologisl 

TAttI.B: 1. 

(Cuulinueil) 

Atanifesl funcliort 

To clesuse the bou se fron death 

To Ieave (he 1lcssing of the 

deceased on the house 

To dispatch the soul until the 

following Al¡ Saints' 1)ay 

To respect the dcceascd's claint 

over his possessions 

Through "lucky" plays, to push 

the soul farther into the next life, 

for once the break with the 

deceased has been made, it is best 

to makc it complete as soon as 

possible 

To dispatch the soul 

see 22 aboye. 

Social slruclure 

[70, 1968 

Ambivalence!'¡'he now feared 

deceased had forrncrly buen a 

membcr of the h tusehold, the 

socicty 's most intimatc social 

grouping . Thogugh thc tossing of 

wash water spills "lilth" back 

onto the house, it also shows thc 

willingncss of the survivors tu 

share equally, albeit impersonally, 

in his lamentcd fato. In doing so, 

they unite the currcnt tlireat of 

harm with the traditional social 

eohesivencss of mutual sacrilicc. 

See 1-15 abure. 

Though society is basically 

conformist, individual cxpressiou 

may he manifestad strongly 

through pcrsrnalize 1 itenis of 

clothing. 

The role of fate is seco in the fact 

that success is often blocked or 

terminated despite social rank, 

merit, ,in(¡ other predictalde 

natural causes. I)eteriuration in 

human relations ix interpretad in 

the sane fatalistic light_ These 

relations, once strained, are better 

terminated than reconciled. 

Personal animosities are therefore 

carried throughout estire 

lifetimes, and oven across 

generations. 

People to whom one has givcn 

adequate hospitality are expectcd 

to respcct one, to leave one in 

peace , even to help one. They are 

to have "cariño " for one. Thus, 

through hospitality, one gains 

come control over interpersonal 

demands, and keeps them within 

prescribed limits.

CARTF:k! Ayruara Debí/ Ritual 2,5 

Ser 22 ,r1,.:!. 

I'. ► uti; 1. t(untinueI^ 

ftr logy Expressior in ofGer ceren ¡unies i 

Restricted e: ,ric opportunities 

force huu : i,'' ::r;emlx•rs tu 

cooperate -to share and 

Share alike. 

See 1-15 abrr_ 

Material pro,>^r;} is not casily 

come by. 1 ccrcf.-c. though 

personal pos;._ are generally 

inviolable, iter.:s . f continuing 

usefulness lefa i,v the deceased 

may be symt..>':ces'!} rather than 

aetually destn^; ed. 

.Apparently ir.d:'crimina te visitation 

of diseasr, r-'eath, and crop 

failure leads tú a fataiistic view of 

life. 

Brrcause of tê supply of 

fr>nd, food _s are set asido 

for famil} nonfood 

otferin

258 America n Anlhropologisl (70, 1968 

Syn:bol set 

29. All Saints' and All Souls' 1)ay 

and other ceremonial activity. 1topefully, the 

end result will be one oí significant ncw insight 

finto thc underlying assumptions of 

Aymara society. 

CONCLUSIONS 

TADLE 1. (Continned) 

The death ritual dcscribcd and analyzed 

involves a lengthy series oí complex symbol 

sets, each oí which has its multiple 

referrents. As a result, certain values and rules 

of behavior are rcinforced time and again. 

They all, however, seent to fall under a 

general orientation ton•ard life that can only be 

described as ncgativistic fatalism. One's destiny 

is already determined. If he discovers 

what that destiny is, and can cajole the 

wieldcrs oí power finto cooperating, it may 

be altered in some small part. But powers, 

whether temporal or spiritual, are capricious. 

Man is to a great extent helpless; he is torced to 

aceept what is. lle cannot be held responsible 

and, therefore, feels little sclf-recrimination or 

guilt. lle remains conservative, not because the 

past was good, but rather because he feels 

helpless to alter it in any significant way. The 

resources from which he must eke out a living 

are limited. lle must compete for the little 

there is and use his ingenuity to make the best 

oí it. Since he knows that his ancestors suffered 

the type oí fate he is now suffering, he makes 

no attempt at glorifying the past. But neither 

does he see great hope in the futuro. lle lives 

for the day. 

Because the ncgativistic capriciousness of 

nature, spirits, and men is an underlying concept 

in the Aymara world vicw, it is understandable 

that c!cceit and vengeance be conceived 

as positive valucs.10 Iloivevcr, if these 

values and this world vicw were all there were 

to support an individual through life, I would 

have grave doubts as te thc viability oí Aymara 

society. And it is here that 1 bclieve previous 

bfanifesi function Social structure 

'1'o feed (he spirit oí thc decea'ri T .-.e kindred has certain 

Oil its yearly return to carth; a: n : ^,,f nsibilities to its rnemhers, 

to give thc cenictery its yearly =:.ct!;er living or (lea(¡. Ity 

eleaning 

coLctntrating sueh responsihilities 

í. a brief periodic ritual, as 

s`.nve, it keeps demands within 

uctptable limits. 

statcments the Aymara value systeni 

havc ba-ically erre{?. It appears that Tschopik 

was right in ar;_irg that these people are 

anxious, husti'.e, s^bmissive, and utilitarian 

(I have re cn a loas about his category oí 

disorderliness), b:t this is not the whole story. 

I am rcmi^d!ed cf Albert Camus' desperation 

(Camus 1961:27, l; over the plight of Western 

man today, a•-,d -f his pica for a new humanism 

based on t'.e assumption that if we (lo not 

heip ourselves, t`.cre is no one eisc who will. 

Because lije ar. l rren are looked upon as basically 

caprc. res by the Aymara, and because 

a certain amo.:r.t oí mutual trust is necessary 

for the cohc oí any social group, the 

Aymara activa c:y cultivate trust. Before a 

man may receive t'-;s trust, however, he must 

first present eoncre-e proof oí merit for it, i.e., 

oí his coneern fcr ot!:ers. And what better way 

is there to present such proof than to share 

with others the hard-w•on fruits oí months and 

years oí labor? Ba'.ance in interpersonal relationships, 

en Loar the natural and the supernatural 

level, mav be maintained only through 

conspicuous especially within the context 

oí the r.:a:c.^religious and fiesta systcm. 

The resulti^.g re ationship remains capricious 

and ephcr::cra!. ~cwever, and so must be constantly 

rcne•.ved. tare oí the first social lessons 

children are ta is that oí hospitality. Even 

more than acr_-:_?ated wealth, it is hospitality 

that gives :_ status and keeps social demands 

with*.n'_ Indeed, if the Aymara 

could be said '. ave one unforgivable sin, 

that sin wou'ld z e tniserliness. 

The Avr ira se-ecn not to be alone in this 

typc of er,=:a 'n. There is much in their 

funerary doy::r_-e and ritual that is replicated 

in simh!er sea:::es all over the world. This include_ 

such as the temporary sojourn oí 

the soui en e r: the arduous journey, the 

destruction of ::-e Jeceased'spersonal property,

cnttTt: k] Aymara Death Ritual 259 

In:ology 

Temporal conveniente. The 

celehration falls in thc luil 

between the iast phutting :uul the 

first «eeding. 

TABLE 1 . (Conlinned) 

the final departure rites, tire formal dismissal, 

and the tenuous rciationsltip betwccn morality 

¡ti tltis world and relativc status in the next 

one (Radin 1957:281, 285; Moss 1925:88-132; 

Boas 19.10:596 607; licndann 1930:2-18). 

There are especially interesting parallels, however, 

between tate Ayntara concept oí souls aml 

the soul thcories that Nave been descrihed for 

other indigenous Latin Anterican peasant 

peoples. A particularly good example is that oí 

theZapotecsof Mitla. 

In Mirla, a roan worshil)s not the souls in 

general, but the souls of his close kinsmen. So 

long as he performs his ohligations to tltese 

souls, tltey will not turra upon him. These souls 

belong to the prívate sphere oí -,in individuaPs 

personal relations. In Charles Leslie's words: 

"N'itltin this sphere townspcuple viere firmly 

convinced that thcir ideals of honesty, generosity, 

respectfulness and responsibility were 

practica¡ as w•ell as intrinsically good" (1960: 

64). Leslie contrasta this sphere with that oí 

the saints : "the saints belonged printarily to 

the public sphere oí community relations where 

ethical ideals viere so frequently violated that 

piety not infrerluently appeared to be a manifestation 

oí naivete or of hypocrisy" (1960: 

64). The same contrasta between private and 

public spiritual spheres and private and public 

morality exist in Aymara socicty. Since resources 

are limited, one hosts only a limited 

circle oí people, especially kinsmen, and these 

are the only ones witlt whom one cstablishes 

bonds oí honesty, generosity, responsibility, 

and trust . In dealing with the rest oí the world, 

including one 's, fellow• community members, 

one's general reaction is tltat oí either aloofness 

or deceit. Another's deatlt entails continuing 

social responsibility only if one has had such 

responsibility when that pcrson was alivie. 

The absence oí long delayed rewards is also 

common to both Ayntara and'hapotec. Parsons 

Expression in ollter cerrmonies Dogma 

Feeding thc spirits is the basis oí Souis oí the departe d rcturn for 

all ritual. theee conseeutive years at nono 

on All Saints' l)ay arel rcturn to 

the other ^corhl at nono of .'di 

Souis' 1)ay. Cnlessproperly 

received artd fed, thcy will visit 

jealous vengeance on their 

kin 1red and community. 

had noticed tlte absence oí the Christian doctrine 

oí sin in Mitla, and had observed that 

Mitleftos did not think oí heaven and hell as 

places whcre they world be rew':trded or 

punished for thcir carthly conduct (1936:529- 

530, 535). Leslie, in his restudy of the tocan, 

observed that the Spanish words for sin, 

purgatory, heaven, and heil are constantly 

mentioned, but that peculiarly MIitlefto meanings 

are attached to them. ile writes: '11e 

Spanish ternt for hell ... was usually rendered 

into Zapotec as g,ibil¡l, which designatcd a 

realm oí the dead coexistent with this world 

in which tite souis lived much as tltey lived 

during their lifctimes. According to townspeople, 

any person cabo really died, and whosc 

soul made its transition tu the aiterlife, lived 

in this `hcll' " (1960:49). 

Many other parallels betwecn t}te Ayntart 

and other concepts of souls and death coulcl 

be found, but a statement as to boca Aymara 

concepts relate to those oí peasants in general 

secros more tu the point itere. Erasmtts (1961), 

Foster (196la, 19616), and \V'olf (1957) Nave 

argued that the dyadic contract, the fatalistic 

view oí life, the concept oí the limited good, 

and the valuation oí conspicuous giving are 

characteristic oí peasants everywhere. All oí 

these elements are strongly supported by- 

Aymara funerary doctrine and ritual, a fact 

that leads pie to believe that :vmara life 

orientation, rtther iban being bizarre, is what 

one would normally expect from an endogamous, 

demc-structured, peasant socicty," 

particularly when that society inhabits a dillicult 

and unpredictable natural environnment." 

Our undcrstanding oí the role oí religion in 

human affairs has copie far from the day in the 

1920's when A. L. Krocber (1927:314) w-rote 

that variations in death ritual viere more in the 

nature oí fashion tiran of cu_ toros or iolkw-ays." 

Funerary rites appear tu constitute one of

260 An: eriean .1 ulhropologisl [ 70, 1968 

man's strongest ritual ruinforccnients for gen- 

eral lifu orientatiun. Thev are capahle of 

rapid chame, as antply indicated by the fact 

that the prescnt Aymara ritos, thnuglt highly, 

syncretistic, sorna nrvcrlhclcss well adaptad tu 

the current situation un tltc altiplano. lt is int- 

pressivc tu note, in fact, that oven in contplex 

societies like that oí the United Statc, funcrtry 

ritos appcar tu respond rcadily to transforntations 

in econonty and society. Our histury 

books and old grtveyards attest tu the fact 

that our vicw of death today is radically i uta , or town house, cither in the provincial 

capital or on the fringes oí thc city oí La Paz. This is 

usually rented out, though one room is aheays reserved 

for accommodating family members on thcir 

visits to town . See also Note 22. 

1 "1'he pasado isa unan wvho has acted as conununity 

hcad unan anal as sponsor of the conttnunity's largest 

and most irnpurtant tiesta. As such, he uccupics the 

tu) rung on the Iaddcr uf socia econontic predigo 

(cf. Carter 1965:.10)- 

( Glossary: aclrachilas--ser Note 15 and 'Cable 1, 

§2; aguosos carrying cintlis used by the won,ca; 

ajayu most irnpurtant of thc souls cach individual 

posscsscs; amito a nt:ut's shaduw, Spanish equivalcnt 

of onc or more oí the Ayntart snuls; alma 

drspai uru--"day when thc soul Ieaves," AII Souls' 

1)ay; angdikts- set Note 16; dniraa a minar soul 

possessed by all sien; a ciliGts scc 'Pablo 1, §3; 

cacharpaya-dance in which )larticipants stontpon 

thc pnxnngtu st hurial nuntmts, pcrfornu•d aftcr thr 

congdetion of the AII Souls' 1)ay ccrenunty three 

years after a death; chrn-ro a ú)nn oí dchy 1rated 

patato; cunrlnrunrrrnrrri the spirit of the house; 

coraje -a soul that provides courage, or perhaps 

this attribute of souls; hin-irinakna urO/tur --"das, 

oí thc dead," AII Saints' Day; jach'a allhapi "day 

oí largo purchases," Sunday bcforc Al¡ Souls' 

Day; jar)ava --a sotil oí Icss ¡miortance than 

the anima; jisc'a altlrapi-"day of sntall purchases," 

second Sunday bcforc All Souls' 1)ay; klrirriri-- a 

lerson knowing how to recall souts; kolliri -a curcr; 

ujjla stone--malle oí quinoa stalk ashcs ntixcd with 

sugar water, used to release the narcotie cffcct oí 

the coca; lagar a:cilita --a sacred spot; palana - a 

g:uue played during the cighth-day cerentooy; 

pasado -sce Note 6; puriñ idea-scc Notes 5 & 22; 

q'anrasa-a sutil whose strenglh determines a 

man's ability to impress and iutintidate othcrs, or 

perhaps this attribute oí his souls; Yu'ispiira-sntall 

quinoa wafcrs; tari--the coca carryutg cloth; thaqui 

nrallku-king oí the road; vas/,cra-- night before the 

eight-day cerentony; e:rajjocha a creator dicty; 

terco atso used for respectud white roen; yatiri---a 

diviner or curcr; yungas a sentitropical valles 

region intmediately adjacent to the altiplano. 

11 Son's daughtcr's husband's father. 

9 Forbes noted, in 1870, that "It is known that the 

Indians oí the Puna occasionalty put an cnd to tito 

sufferings oí their relativos when about to dic by 

strangling theni with a ropo under the intpression 

that by so doing they can prevent the ghost oí the 

defunct reto roing to this world to haunt anal trouhle 

thent" (1870:231). This fear oí futura visitation mas 

well be the latent function oí lita act even todav. 

Other details in the hurial rito certainly- indicate that 

this is so (cf. Tschopik 1951:214). 

10 Distilled Gane alcohol is ntade in commercial 

sugar refineries and soló in altiplano markets and 

stores. Considerad otte oí the most potent drinks in 

the world (S9'; ethyl alcohol), it has bcen reported 

on for Fastcrn Bolivia by Dwight 1feath (1958:495- 

496). 

° Tschopik (1951:214) notcd that "As soon as a 

eleath has occurred, the anxious relativos are careful 

to note am• sign or ornen presaging more deaths to 

come. For one death, it appears, presages others, and 

the soul oí the recentty deceased, not yet departed, 

is a constant threat tu his living kinsnien. If a child 

has dicd with his eses open, this rneans that another 

child in the familywilldie (71). W11hcnachild isburicd 

and thcre is not enough carth to fill the grave, it is 

certain that another child will soon die (11)." La 

Barre (19.18:137-138) also describes a nuntber oí instances 

in which omens are real at funerals in an at-

CAK71:k] Ay,)turct Deullt Ritual 261 

tentpt tu di,cover the individual tubo will die ncxt. 

11 Palco leves anrl scutcli L,roum, once they have 

Leen u

262 Amcrican Anthropologisi [70, 1968 

other than that he has interprcfcd scrious ilhtcss and 

hallucinations as deatlt. 

4 This is indicativo oí the solidity oí the bond 

uniting godparents and godeltildren, which often 

surpasses the paren(child tic. 

ab 1ter aw:rencss (vas cxpressed in the furor oí an 

illustration: "Tito feld tvorker who is satisfic 1 that 

he sees a ntagical connection barreen the arder 

oí two rites ... is often pulled up sharp by sonte 

matter-of-fact conunent such as "of course we 

couldn't do it that day bvea use X's grtin failed to 

gerntinate for the hcer and ,;he coultln't gct any 

more!" (Rich:rds 1956:136). 

31 '¡'¡le function oí mortuary ritos has repcatedly 

Icen describe d as the public recognition oí altered 

status un the parí of both deceased and ntourners, 

and the rcallinnation oí social tics. Vet tite study of 

these rites has Leen neglected by anthropologists. In 

a recent book revicw, Vehudi Cohen has commcnted: 

'Ulty has thcre hecn such a grotving intcrest ¡ti 

initiation cerentonies ... ? 111y out funerary custonts, 

which could furnish as much insigltt in tu lile 

nature oí society gencrally, if not nwre? 11'e are 

going to have to wait severa) years for a study oí tic 

soctology oí knowledge to help explain this" (Cohen 

1966: 776). 

38 The terco "dogma" is itere used in (¡le sense oí a 

point ori ody oí faith, opinion or bclief, hcld Without 

warrant or proof. 

39 Though the ollerings to the achachilas are conr 

monly rcferred tu as "fuud," they do not usually 

Contain contntun huntatt foocl. Generally, they consist 

oí small sweets prepare d tvith Catholic ntotifs, 

pieces oí varicolored paper atol metal, herbs, coca, 

and alcohol. In contrast, the itents saved for family 

consumption from the cighth-day offering consist oí 

bread, chutio, qu'ispina, oranges, ami bananas, all 

staples or near-stapies in the local diet. 

49 That they are so considered secros indicated by 

the fact that children stressing thcsc values are the 

mo_t popular antong their pcers. This has hecn dis- 

Cusse in detail in an article presented to the 

XXXVI Congress oí Antericanists. (Carter in press) 

4r The rapitl (within three years) fading away oí 

the Aymara ghost-soul secros to he characteristtc oí 

other nonlineage-oriented societies as well. bfay 

Edel has noted that the Chiga, whose minintal Iin• 

eages constantly fission off and whose corporate 

groups have very few functiuns oí several generations 

dcpth, make oflerings only tu closely related 

and recently deceased "ancestors." On the other 

hand, she points out that the Tallensi, among tvhom 

landholding and other corporate functions are indices 

oí great lineage cohesion, have a formally 

organized ancestral cult in which ancestors oí several 

generations depth are propitiated (1960:377). 

For a discussion oí land tenure and bilateral inheritance 

antong the Aymara, see :l ynrara Communilies 

and t/e Boliaian Agracian Rejorrn (Carter 

1965). 

u In his textbook on culture and personality, 

Victor Barnuuty has chosen thc Aymara as extreme 

examples oí a personality that has hecn so overdetermined 

by negative forces that it emerges as gloonty, 

anxious, submissive, filled with repressed rage, and 

obscssed with magic and divination (1963:13-17). 

Such a characterization secros entirely one-sided, ignores 

the more positive balances that enable the 

Aymara system to successfully function, and fails 

to grasp the nnttty ways in which the Aymara tcurid 

view merely replicates that of pcasanls in general. 

" Kroeher virote: "lt appcars that a feature which 

is pretty likely to charactcrizc mortuary practiccs is 

their dissociatiun from ccrtain largo blocks oí cultural 

activity, especially those haviug to do with material 

and ccunontic 1ife, its subsistettce asd mechan- 

¡cal as cts ... [it] ¿Liso docs not ¡en(¡ itsclf tu any 

great oâegree 

oí inlegrttion tvith dontains of behavior 

which are susceptible of forma lization and codification, 

like 1:nv, tuuch oí religion, and social organization" 

(1927:31 t). 

«7'he Amcrican lVay of feadr (Mitford 1960), 

though a popular buuk, gives suite excellcnt descriptive 

data on present-day North Amcrican dcath 

ritual. 

15 '1•he segntcnts oí Amcrican society that today 

still hold tu the bclief in a hcavenly reward are those 

that finó atlainntent oí the statcd goals of society 

the nwst diflicult, i.e. the lowest socio- econoni ¡e 

groups. A relationsltip that would be worth cxaminiug 

is that belwccn dtlfcrential acccss to stratcgic resourccs, 

which Morton Fried ho1ds forros the basis 

for social stratification (19611), and belief in the rewards 

oí a futuro life. That, however, is a topic for 

another paper. 

'6 Rosalie 1lankey (19.12:162-163) has dealt with 

the present state oí Amcrican ghosts. She lees theni 

as orolinary, nonthreatening, and rather aloof beings. 

tl Jultn flickntan, writing recently oí his experiences 

in Chinchara, l'eru, has stated: "The overwhclming 

impression is une oí great {¡persistente of 

cultural fornts that entphasize family, )and, and animals, 

and their relationship to the supernaturals 

that control thent.... The quality oí ¡¡fe is one oí 

general'antoral familism'that places the family as tito 

onlx center of conccrn and effort.Thc degree oí suspicton, 

insccurity, hostility, ambiva!ence, ami 

alienation as a group is high, corresponding to reports 

oí previous investigators (1961:3.198). 

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Secular Reinforcement in Aymara Death Ritual'

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