grammatical constraints and motivations for - University of the ...
grammatical constraints and motivations for - University of the ... grammatical constraints and motivations for - University of the ...
may also be due to the fact that the question had already been answered and the information being conveyed in Afrikaans results in a change in topic. The host then switches back to English as he reverts back to his answer – “no, no names”, but this shift to English also indicates a change in tone as the host becomes more serious and attempts to emphasize his answer. In turn 53, the host once again begins in English as a means of portraying a serious tone, but then reverts to Afrikaans once the topic shifts back to the story being told. Once again, the dominant language is Afrikaans accompanied by some English nouns which fill lexical gaps (e.g. check-in counter, excess baggage). Other switches serve as possible quotations, as with “20 kilograms per person” and “R180 per kilogram”, where it appears as though the host is imitating an airline staff member. In addition, Afrikaans would not add a plural ending to the Afrikaans word ‘kilogram’. In other words, if the speaker had chosen to utter the phrase in Afrikaans, he would have said “twintig kilogram per persoon.” In turn 55, the story is yet again told in Afrikaans, with the exception of a few words and phrases. The use of the English word, ‘outfit’, serves as a means of filling a lexical gap as it is unlikely that the host or his audience would have any knowledge of the Afrikaans equivalent, ‘uitrusting.’ The English adjective, ‘matching’, translates as ‘passende’ which is, to some extent, an uncommon Afrikaans word among speakers of Kaapse Afrikaans. Thus, it is possible that the host may have intentionally avoided using the Afrikaans equivalent in order not to risk being regarded as too formal. In addition, while the English adjective is used in conjunction with the Afrikaans nouns, ‘skoene’ and ‘sokkies’, the speaker may specifically have chosen to use the English conjunction because, in context, the shoes and socks matched the outfit. Thus, the adjective, ‘matching’, appears in the same language as the noun, ‘outfit’ as the shoes and socks match the outfit in this context. 88
The next switch is the insertion of the minimal constituent, ‘boy’. This is immediately followed by a sentence completely English in, which is also a repetition of what was just said – “you know, you understand, he’s a boy.” In addition, ‘you know’ and ‘you understand’, are commonly used English phrases which serve as interjections (Cook-Gumperz, 1976) and which appear to have become integrated into the speakers lexicon as he constantly uses them throughout the discourse. The next switch to Afrikaans begins with the pronoun, ‘ek’, which is once again a switch which is indexical of self (Walters, 2005, Myers-Scotton, 2006a) – “ek kan verstaan het ...” Switching occurs as a result of the host’s close identification with his Afrikaans identity and also allows the speaker a means of portraying his identity to the audience. The discourse then continues in Afrikaans until the English interjection, ‘like’, is used. ‘Like’ serves as a sentence filler and as an interjection, and appears in Afrikaans since its Afrikaans equivalent, ‘soos’, does not produce the same colloquial effect. ‘Verstaan’ marks the next switch to Afrikaans – “…but 22 kilograms overweight, verstaan.” Here it appears the host may have switched as a means of directing the address to his audience. Thus, the switch to Afrikaans serves a directive function (Appel & Muysken, 1987) because the host specifically directs his speech to the audience by using their perceived language of preference. ‘Verstaan’ also serves a discourse marker or interjection as the speaker is not sincerely asking the audience the question in anticipation of an answer. Rather, the interjection or discourse marker acts as a means of clarifying what was just said. When the speaker switches back to English, he merely repeats a previous comment, providing a by-the-way information, before switching to Afrikaans again - “um because he didn’t read the small print that’s says 20 kilograms per person en hy’t sy [bəgΛ:З ] ge-lug reg oor die continent, verstaan jy”. The switch to Afrikaans is yet again a direct result of identity negotiation. The person being 89
- Page 37 and 38: eferred to as RO) sets between part
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- Page 109 and 110: References Appel, R & Muysken, P. (
- Page 111 and 112: Hamers, J. & Blanc, M. (2000). Bili
- Page 113 and 114: Ponelis, F. (1993). The Development
- Page 115 and 116: Young, D. (1988). Bilingualism and
- Page 117 and 118: APPENDIX
- Page 119 and 120: First Transcript: Update Kaapse Vla
- Page 121 and 122: 52. Clarence: Wilfred? 53. Suster:
- Page 123 and 124: [laughter] 62. Clarence: Die’s (d
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- Page 131 and 132: 201. Suster: Yes Clarence, it’s,
- Page 133 and 134: 258. Suster Ja {Yes}, my introducti
- Page 135 and 136: 322. Suster = = Nou {Now}, Clarence
- Page 137 and 138: 376. Suster Will do. Thank you my s
The next switch is <strong>the</strong> insertion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> minimal constituent, ‘boy’. This is<br />
immediately followed by a sentence completely English in, which is also a<br />
repetition <strong>of</strong> what was just said – “you know, you underst<strong>and</strong>, he’s a boy.” In<br />
addition, ‘you know’ <strong>and</strong> ‘you underst<strong>and</strong>’, are commonly used English phrases<br />
which serve as interjections (Cook-Gumperz, 1976) <strong>and</strong> which appear to have<br />
become integrated into <strong>the</strong> speakers lexicon as he constantly uses <strong>the</strong>m throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> discourse.<br />
The next switch to Afrikaans begins with <strong>the</strong> pronoun, ‘ek’, which is once again a<br />
switch which is indexical <strong>of</strong> self (Walters, 2005, Myers-Scotton, 2006a) – “ek kan<br />
verstaan het ...” Switching occurs as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> host’s close identification with<br />
his Afrikaans identity <strong>and</strong> also allows <strong>the</strong> speaker a means <strong>of</strong> portraying his<br />
identity to <strong>the</strong> audience. The discourse <strong>the</strong>n continues in Afrikaans until <strong>the</strong><br />
English interjection, ‘like’, is used. ‘Like’ serves as a sentence filler <strong>and</strong> as an<br />
interjection, <strong>and</strong> appears in Afrikaans since its Afrikaans equivalent, ‘soos’, does<br />
not produce <strong>the</strong> same colloquial effect.<br />
‘Verstaan’ marks <strong>the</strong> next switch to Afrikaans – “…but 22 kilograms overweight,<br />
verstaan.” Here it appears <strong>the</strong> host may have switched as a means <strong>of</strong> directing <strong>the</strong><br />
address to his audience. Thus, <strong>the</strong> switch to Afrikaans serves a directive function<br />
(Appel & Muysken, 1987) because <strong>the</strong> host specifically directs his speech to <strong>the</strong><br />
audience by using <strong>the</strong>ir perceived language <strong>of</strong> preference. ‘Verstaan’ also serves<br />
a discourse marker or interjection as <strong>the</strong> speaker is not sincerely asking <strong>the</strong><br />
audience <strong>the</strong> question in anticipation <strong>of</strong> an answer. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> interjection or<br />
discourse marker acts as a means <strong>of</strong> clarifying what was just said.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> speaker switches back to English, he merely repeats a previous<br />
comment, providing a by-<strong>the</strong>-way in<strong>for</strong>mation, be<strong>for</strong>e switching to Afrikaans<br />
again - “um because he didn’t read <strong>the</strong> small print that’s says 20 kilograms per<br />
person en hy’t sy [bəgΛ:З ] ge-lug reg oor die continent, verstaan jy”. The switch<br />
to Afrikaans is yet again a direct result <strong>of</strong> identity negotiation. The person being<br />
89