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switched, rather than the preceding phrase. To use an Afrikaans example, it would be impossible to say “John het by die huis gebly want his wife was at work. Rather, the Afrikaans conjunction ‘want’ would have to be replaced by the English conjunction ‘because’ to produce the sentence, “John het by die huis gebly because his wife was at work. This may be due to the fact that if the sentence were split into two phrases, the conjunction would ultimately belong with the second phrase which is, in this case, the switched phrase. Myers-Scotton (1993b, 2006a) discusses some constraints proposed by other researchers as part of an introduction to the Matrix Language-Frame Model for codeswitching. These are important constraints which I think are relevant to this study. Myers-Scotton (1993b) discusses word order equivalence as a possible constraint. This constraint prevents the occurrence of codeswitching when the word order of the matrix language (the majority language in the interaction) and the embedded language do not correspond. Poplack (1980) (cited in Myers-Scotton, 1993b: 27) illustrates the equivalence constraint as follows: Code-switches will tend to occur at points in discourse where juxtaposition of L1 and L2 elements does not violate a syntactic rule of either language, i.e., at points around which the surface structure of the two languages map onto each other. According to this simple constraint, a switch is inhibited from occurring within a constituent generated by a rule from one language which is not shared by another. This constraint is therefore only relevant to codeswitching between languages sharing similar syntactic structures. Poplack (1990: 58) also draws the following distinctions between constituent insertion and word order equivalence: 48
Constituent insertion differs from equivalence-based switching in that word order constraints across switch boundaries need not be respected for those elements eligible to be inserted. Switching at equivalence sites is the only mechanism which does not involve insertion of material from one language into a sentence of the other – once a switch occurs, the rest of the sentence may continue in a new language (although further switches are possible), whereas the other mechanisms generally require a return to the original language immediately after the nonce loan, inserted constituent, or flagged switch. In summary, Poplack (1990: 37-38) argues that “intrasentential switching may occur at equivalence sites (where switch permissible switch points are constrained by word order homologies between switched constituents), or, more rarely, consist of constituent insertion (where word order constraints across switch boundaries need not be respected for constituents eligible for insertion)”. Lipski (1977) (cited in Myers-Scotton, 1993b), who studied Spanish/English codeswitching, extends on this, arguing that the syntaxes may be different before the switch, but must be alike for the portion that is switched. Here again, this can only be applicable where the two languages involved belong to the same language family and share common grammatical and syntactic features. All the above constraints deal with word order equivalence as constraint on codeswitching. Another major constraint that is important to consider is one which deals with the morphology of the languages involved in codeswitching, referred to as the free-morpheme constraint. Poplack (1980) (cited in Myers- Scotton, 1993b), argues that codes can be switched after any constituent, as long as the constituent is not a bound morpheme. This means that only free morphs may be switched and that a single, multi-morphemic word may not consist of morphs from different languages. In other words, switching is not allowed if it results in a word having different morphemes from different languages. This constraint, therefore, deals with inflection, plural markers, tense, adjectival endings, among others as these have to be indicated in a single language. Simply stated, these elements have to correspond with the word which they modify. 49
Page 1 and 2: GRAMMATICAL CONSTRAINTS AND MOTIVAT
Page 3 and 4: Abstract GRAMMATICAL CONSTRAINTS AN
Page 5 and 6: Declaration I declare that Grammati
Page 7 and 8: Table of Contents Key words .......
Page 9 and 10: 1.0 Introduction Chapter 1 Backgrou
Page 11 and 12: English is not the mother tongue of
Page 13 and 14: everyday communication. The nature
Page 15 and 16: While researchers and sociolinguist
Page 17 and 18: language of the court, education, a
Page 19 and 20: This, then, makes it apparent why C
Page 21 and 22: have always been exposed simultaneo
Page 23 and 24: ) I have eaten an apple. The past t
Page 25 and 26: also instances in which they do not
Page 27 and 28: providing a strong argument that co
Page 29 and 30: 1.10 Outline of the Study Chapter 1
Page 31 and 32: 2.0 Introduction Chapter 2 Social M
Page 33 and 34: “…codeswitching is a form of bo
Page 35 and 36: In this section, I attempt to provi
Page 37 and 38: eferred to as RO) sets between part
Page 39 and 40: example, Afrikaans speakers may swi
Page 41 and 42: Further, Franceschini (1998: 62) st
Page 43 and 44: context in which the speaker finds
Page 45 and 46: 3.0 Introduction Chapter 3 Grammati
Page 47: codeswitching as they do reflect th
Page 51 and 52: In these examples, the main verbs a
Page 53 and 54: 4.0 Introduction Chapter 4 Research
Page 55 and 56: Thus, qualitative research is an in
Page 57 and 58: However, contrary to Auer’s 1984
Page 59 and 60: The transcripts were then analyzed
Page 61 and 62: 5.0 Introduction Chapter 5 Discussi
Page 63 and 64: Turn Phrase Table 1: Switched conju
Page 65 and 66: In turns 22, 53, 59 and 63, English
Page 67 and 68: Unlike in English, when the past te
Page 69 and 70: similarity to that of Afrikaans due
Page 71 and 72: Table 7: Afrikaans determiners with
Page 73 and 74: possessive. However, it appears as
Page 75 and 76: indefinite articles, ‘a’ or ‘
Page 77 and 78: The following are examples from the
Page 79 and 80: Turn Mixed verb Afrikaans equivalen
Page 81 and 82: In turns 421 and 532, the host subs
Page 83 and 84: the violation of this constraint, p
Page 85 and 86: nouns) are used. I have selected a
Page 87 and 88: What follows are a few switches to
Page 89 and 90: The next switch is the insertion of
Page 91 and 92: has chosen to split the phrase into
Page 93 and 94: The discourse suggests that the hos
Page 95 and 96: speaker’s close association with
Page 97 and 98: The next, and final, switch is to A
Page 99 and 100:
of proceedings throughout the show.
Page 101 and 102:
host is being somewhat sarcastic, b
Page 103 and 104:
also of the ways in which language
Page 105 and 106:
6.0 Introduction Chapter 6 Conclusi
Page 107 and 108:
• While conjunctions do agree wit
Page 109 and 110:
References Appel, R & Muysken, P. (
Page 111 and 112:
Hamers, J. & Blanc, M. (2000). Bili
Page 113 and 114:
Ponelis, F. (1993). The Development
Page 115 and 116:
Young, D. (1988). Bilingualism and
Page 117 and 118:
APPENDIX
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First Transcript: Update Kaapse Vla
Page 121 and 122:
52. Clarence: Wilfred? 53. Suster:
Page 123 and 124:
[laughter] 62. Clarence: Die’s (d
Page 125 and 126:
terrace and so I couldn’t go up t
Page 127 and 128:
{So he got an sms back} to say, “
Page 129 and 130:
then you go from Notre-Dame up the
Page 131 and 132:
201. Suster: Yes Clarence, it’s,
Page 133 and 134:
258. Suster Ja {Yes}, my introducti
Page 135 and 136:
322. Suster = = Nou {Now}, Clarence
Page 137 and 138:
376. Suster Will do. Thank you my s
Page 139 and 140:
a short while. Music followed by ad
Page 141 and 142:
ecause … did I really say that, y
Page 143 and 144:
speaker}. En toe stoot hy nou die m
Page 145 and 146:
627. Suster [laughter] 628. Caller
Page 147 and 148:
699. Caller 13 Yes, uh, I know that
Page 149 and 150:
when I say that you do not have a,
Page 151 and 152:
853. Caller 16 = = maar jy en Clare
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for} innerly = = 897. Suster = = ja
Page 155 and 156:
975. Caller 19 Hello Suster. 976. S
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