grammatical constraints and motivations for - University of the ...
grammatical constraints and motivations for - University of the ...
grammatical constraints and motivations for - University of the ...
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switched, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> preceding phrase. To use an Afrikaans example, it would<br />
be impossible to say “John het by die huis gebly want his wife was at work.<br />
Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> Afrikaans conjunction ‘want’ would have to be replaced by <strong>the</strong><br />
English conjunction ‘because’ to produce <strong>the</strong> sentence, “John het by die huis<br />
gebly because his wife was at work. This may be due to <strong>the</strong> fact that if <strong>the</strong><br />
sentence were split into two phrases, <strong>the</strong> conjunction would ultimately belong<br />
with <strong>the</strong> second phrase which is, in this case, <strong>the</strong> switched phrase.<br />
Myers-Scotton (1993b, 2006a) discusses some <strong>constraints</strong> proposed by o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
researchers as part <strong>of</strong> an introduction to <strong>the</strong> Matrix Language-Frame Model <strong>for</strong><br />
codeswitching. These are important <strong>constraints</strong> which I think are relevant to this<br />
study.<br />
Myers-Scotton (1993b) discusses word order equivalence as a possible constraint.<br />
This constraint prevents <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> codeswitching when <strong>the</strong> word order <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> matrix language (<strong>the</strong> majority language in <strong>the</strong> interaction) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> embedded<br />
language do not correspond.<br />
Poplack (1980) (cited in Myers-Scotton, 1993b: 27) illustrates <strong>the</strong> equivalence<br />
constraint as follows:<br />
Code-switches will tend to occur at points in discourse where juxtaposition <strong>of</strong> L1<br />
<strong>and</strong> L2 elements does not violate a syntactic rule <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r language, i.e., at points<br />
around which <strong>the</strong> surface structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two languages map onto each o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
According to this simple constraint, a switch is inhibited from occurring within a<br />
constituent generated by a rule from one language which is not shared by ano<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
This constraint is <strong>the</strong>re<strong>for</strong>e only relevant to codeswitching between languages<br />
sharing similar syntactic structures.<br />
Poplack (1990: 58) also draws <strong>the</strong> following distinctions between constituent<br />
insertion <strong>and</strong> word order equivalence:<br />
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