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a shift in political power that enabled the re-classification of the language. Essentially, the Coloured community developed negative attitudes toward standard Afrikaans and this is evident in the language choices they have already made and continue to make today. 1.5 Reconsidering Codeswitching in the Cape Coloured Community Afrikaans, as it is spoken in the Coloured community, is not spoken in isolation. Instead, it is characterized by a great deal of codeswitching between English and Afrikaans. While codeswitching may be attributed to linguistic inability in either of the two languages, this does not appear to be the case. For the Cape Coloured community, codeswitching may be a direct result of language attitudes, political ideologies, and educational circumstances. Historically, the community of District Six consisted of predominantly Afrikaans mother-tongue speakers. The community at the time had to acquire English as a second language as it was needed for employment, trade and communication, in the neighbourhood as well as the Central Business District. In addition to this, almost all schooling took place through the medium of English (McCormick, 1990). Over the centuries, English and Afrikaans have always existed alongside each other. Afrikaans was the home language of many, while English was the language used for communication outside of the home environment, for education, employment, and trade. In a sense, Kaapse Afrikaans, as it is spoken today, could be the result of the coexistence of the two languages to which members of the Coloured community 20
have always been exposed simultaneously. Perhaps codeswitching is not merely a linguistic phenomenon displayed by speakers on the Cape Flats, but rather an indication of the type of Afrikaans which previous generations had spoken as their home language. As mentioned earlier, Afrikaans was syntactically, lexically and semantically influenced by English (Combrink, 1978 cited in Young, 1988), but only later became “pure”, standard Afrikaans when all foreign elements were removed from the language during its standardization in the twentieth century (Webb & Kembo- Sure, 2000). In the past, the Coloured community developed negative attitudes toward Afrikaans because of the apartheid system. At this time, they began to develop more positive attitudes towards English. Kaapse Afrikaans may, in this way, be the result of positive attitudes toward English and negative attitudes towards standard Afrikaans combined with respect for the language that generations of speakers grew up with in the comforts of their homes. Young (1988: 411) argues that “the increasing use of English to replace Afrikaans is politically inspired and often motivated by a wish for upward mobility, rather than out of appraisal of English as a superior language per se.” Swanepoel (1992) comments that the movement towards ‘Kaapse Afrikaans’ has its origin in black nationalism and speakers became mobilized for the freedom struggle through this variety. Further, Swanepoel (1992: 146) also suggests that one of the characteristics towards this sense of language nationalism is the strong sentiments toward Standard Afrikaans combined with its identification with Africa: Die Kaapse beweging rondom Kaapse Afrikaans het byvoorbeeld sy breëre voiding in swart nasionalisme end die sprekers van Kaapse Afrikaans word deur hierdie variëteit gemobiliseer vir die bevrydingstryd. Een van die kenmerke van 21
Page 1 and 2: GRAMMATICAL CONSTRAINTS AND MOTIVAT
Page 3 and 4: Abstract GRAMMATICAL CONSTRAINTS AN
Page 5 and 6: Declaration I declare that Grammati
Page 7 and 8: Table of Contents Key words .......
Page 9 and 10: 1.0 Introduction Chapter 1 Backgrou
Page 11 and 12: English is not the mother tongue of
Page 13 and 14: everyday communication. The nature
Page 15 and 16: While researchers and sociolinguist
Page 17 and 18: language of the court, education, a
Page 19: This, then, makes it apparent why C
Page 23 and 24: ) I have eaten an apple. The past t
Page 25 and 26: also instances in which they do not
Page 27 and 28: providing a strong argument that co
Page 29 and 30: 1.10 Outline of the Study Chapter 1
Page 31 and 32: 2.0 Introduction Chapter 2 Social M
Page 33 and 34: “…codeswitching is a form of bo
Page 35 and 36: In this section, I attempt to provi
Page 37 and 38: eferred to as RO) sets between part
Page 39 and 40: example, Afrikaans speakers may swi
Page 41 and 42: Further, Franceschini (1998: 62) st
Page 43 and 44: context in which the speaker finds
Page 45 and 46: 3.0 Introduction Chapter 3 Grammati
Page 47 and 48: codeswitching as they do reflect th
Page 49 and 50: Constituent insertion differs from
Page 51 and 52: In these examples, the main verbs a
Page 53 and 54: 4.0 Introduction Chapter 4 Research
Page 55 and 56: Thus, qualitative research is an in
Page 57 and 58: However, contrary to Auer’s 1984
Page 59 and 60: The transcripts were then analyzed
Page 61 and 62: 5.0 Introduction Chapter 5 Discussi
Page 63 and 64: Turn Phrase Table 1: Switched conju
Page 65 and 66: In turns 22, 53, 59 and 63, English
Page 67 and 68: Unlike in English, when the past te
Page 69 and 70: similarity to that of Afrikaans due
Page 71 and 72:
Table 7: Afrikaans determiners with
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possessive. However, it appears as
Page 75 and 76:
indefinite articles, ‘a’ or ‘
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The following are examples from the
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Turn Mixed verb Afrikaans equivalen
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In turns 421 and 532, the host subs
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the violation of this constraint, p
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nouns) are used. I have selected a
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What follows are a few switches to
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The next switch is the insertion of
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has chosen to split the phrase into
Page 93 and 94:
The discourse suggests that the hos
Page 95 and 96:
speaker’s close association with
Page 97 and 98:
The next, and final, switch is to A
Page 99 and 100:
of proceedings throughout the show.
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host is being somewhat sarcastic, b
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also of the ways in which language
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6.0 Introduction Chapter 6 Conclusi
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• While conjunctions do agree wit
Page 109 and 110:
References Appel, R & Muysken, P. (
Page 111 and 112:
Hamers, J. & Blanc, M. (2000). Bili
Page 113 and 114:
Ponelis, F. (1993). The Development
Page 115 and 116:
Young, D. (1988). Bilingualism and
Page 117 and 118:
APPENDIX
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First Transcript: Update Kaapse Vla
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52. Clarence: Wilfred? 53. Suster:
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[laughter] 62. Clarence: Die’s (d
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terrace and so I couldn’t go up t
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{So he got an sms back} to say, “
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then you go from Notre-Dame up the
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201. Suster: Yes Clarence, it’s,
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258. Suster Ja {Yes}, my introducti
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322. Suster = = Nou {Now}, Clarence
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376. Suster Will do. Thank you my s
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a short while. Music followed by ad
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ecause … did I really say that, y
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speaker}. En toe stoot hy nou die m
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627. Suster [laughter] 628. Caller
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699. Caller 13 Yes, uh, I know that
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when I say that you do not have a,
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853. Caller 16 = = maar jy en Clare
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for} innerly = = 897. Suster = = ja
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975. Caller 19 Hello Suster. 976. S
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