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Because the Coloured community of District Six was broken up and relocated as a direct result of apartheid, its members developed negative attitudes towards Afrikaans. Although Afrikaans was their home language, it was also the language of the oppressor. As a result, many Coloureds adopted attitudes which were negative toward Afrikaner nationalism, but sympathetic towards the British administration (Ponelis, 1993). In addition to this, Ponelis (1993) argues that the favourability of English over Afrikaans has been influenced by the fact that there was a shortage of Afrikaans-medium educational institutions, intermarriage between British immigrants and Coloured Afrikaans speakers, as well as the apartheid government. Apartheid, therefore, led to more favourable attitudes toward English and provides a distinct example of linguistic nationalism. Webb and Kembo-Sure (2000: 17) comment on the effect of apartheid on Afrikaans and the Coloured community, in particular: Although the language has deep historical roots in the country’s Coloured (formerly Khoikhoi and slave) communities, it was appropriated by the white political intelligentsia of the past as an instrument of political mobilization. In the process it was ideologized and mythologized into a ‘White Man’s Language.’ In the process of its ‘standardization,’ its non-white speakers were re-classified as speakers of non-standard Afrikaans, the language was purged (supposedly purified) of foreign elements (especially English elements), and it became a symbol of a particular socio-cultural identity (that of the Afrikaner). Thus, Afrikaans became a ‘white man’s language’ as a result of political control. Afrikaans, as it was originally spoken, was suddenly declared non-standard, containing too many borrowings, while the Afrikaans which was ‘purified’ by white Afrikaners became the standard variety. In a sense, this means that standard Afrikaans, as it is spoken today, is not the original variety, but rather the result of a political ideology. 18
This, then, makes it apparent why Coloured speakers now claim that they are unable to understand or speak ‘proper’ Afrikaans. In a study conducted by McCormick (1990), participants expressed an inability to communicate in Afrikaans. One participant made the following remark: Die Afrikaans soos die Boere praat – daardie suiwer Afrikaans – ek kan ook nie daardie verstaan nie. Ek kan net verstaan soos ons mos nou praat, ja, maar nie die suiwer nie. [The Afrikaans like the white nationalist Afrikaners speak – that pure Afrikaans – I can’t understand that either. I can only understand the way we speak it / the way we’re speaking it now, yes, but not the pure Afrikaans.] (McCormick 1990: 92) Another participant made the following claim: … if you speak Afrikaans – complete Afrikaans – people won’t understand you, but if you use an English word in between – an Afrikaans word in an English context – they almost seem to understand you better. (McCormick 1990: 92) Participants in McCormick’s (1990) study claim that standard Afrikaans is unintelligible to them. This shows that the standard variety is not the language that they grew up with, as getting their messages across today means communicating in a language that is frowned upon and labeled non-standard. In a study carried out by Neethling (1998) in the Kensington/Factreton area, participants expressed a belief that it is more beneficial to speak English rather than Afrikaans and regarded Standard Afrikaans as the language of the Afrikaners, rather than the language of their community. Neethling (1998) then argues that this may be the reason that Standard Afrikaans was previously interpreted as acceptance of the apartheid system. Clearly, Afrikaans has come a long way since its origin. Standard Afrikaans as we know it today has undergone many changes over time and has been influenced by the authorities and politics of the time. Afrikaans, which was initially the language of the Coloured community, became that of the white community due to 19
Page 1 and 2: GRAMMATICAL CONSTRAINTS AND MOTIVAT
Page 3 and 4: Abstract GRAMMATICAL CONSTRAINTS AN
Page 5 and 6: Declaration I declare that Grammati
Page 7 and 8: Table of Contents Key words .......
Page 9 and 10: 1.0 Introduction Chapter 1 Backgrou
Page 11 and 12: English is not the mother tongue of
Page 13 and 14: everyday communication. The nature
Page 15 and 16: While researchers and sociolinguist
Page 17: language of the court, education, a
Page 21 and 22: have always been exposed simultaneo
Page 23 and 24: ) I have eaten an apple. The past t
Page 25 and 26: also instances in which they do not
Page 27 and 28: providing a strong argument that co
Page 29 and 30: 1.10 Outline of the Study Chapter 1
Page 31 and 32: 2.0 Introduction Chapter 2 Social M
Page 33 and 34: “…codeswitching is a form of bo
Page 35 and 36: In this section, I attempt to provi
Page 37 and 38: eferred to as RO) sets between part
Page 39 and 40: example, Afrikaans speakers may swi
Page 41 and 42: Further, Franceschini (1998: 62) st
Page 43 and 44: context in which the speaker finds
Page 45 and 46: 3.0 Introduction Chapter 3 Grammati
Page 47 and 48: codeswitching as they do reflect th
Page 49 and 50: Constituent insertion differs from
Page 51 and 52: In these examples, the main verbs a
Page 53 and 54: 4.0 Introduction Chapter 4 Research
Page 55 and 56: Thus, qualitative research is an in
Page 57 and 58: However, contrary to Auer’s 1984
Page 59 and 60: The transcripts were then analyzed
Page 61 and 62: 5.0 Introduction Chapter 5 Discussi
Page 63 and 64: Turn Phrase Table 1: Switched conju
Page 65 and 66: In turns 22, 53, 59 and 63, English
Page 67 and 68: Unlike in English, when the past te
Page 69 and 70:
similarity to that of Afrikaans due
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Table 7: Afrikaans determiners with
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possessive. However, it appears as
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indefinite articles, ‘a’ or ‘
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The following are examples from the
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Turn Mixed verb Afrikaans equivalen
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In turns 421 and 532, the host subs
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the violation of this constraint, p
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nouns) are used. I have selected a
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What follows are a few switches to
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The next switch is the insertion of
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has chosen to split the phrase into
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The discourse suggests that the hos
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speaker’s close association with
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The next, and final, switch is to A
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of proceedings throughout the show.
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host is being somewhat sarcastic, b
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also of the ways in which language
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6.0 Introduction Chapter 6 Conclusi
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• While conjunctions do agree wit
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References Appel, R & Muysken, P. (
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Hamers, J. & Blanc, M. (2000). Bili
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Ponelis, F. (1993). The Development
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Young, D. (1988). Bilingualism and
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APPENDIX
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First Transcript: Update Kaapse Vla
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52. Clarence: Wilfred? 53. Suster:
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[laughter] 62. Clarence: Die’s (d
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terrace and so I couldn’t go up t
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{So he got an sms back} to say, “
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then you go from Notre-Dame up the
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201. Suster: Yes Clarence, it’s,
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258. Suster Ja {Yes}, my introducti
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322. Suster = = Nou {Now}, Clarence
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376. Suster Will do. Thank you my s
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a short while. Music followed by ad
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ecause … did I really say that, y
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speaker}. En toe stoot hy nou die m
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627. Suster [laughter] 628. Caller
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699. Caller 13 Yes, uh, I know that
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when I say that you do not have a,
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853. Caller 16 = = maar jy en Clare
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for} innerly = = 897. Suster = = ja
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975. Caller 19 Hello Suster. 976. S
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