The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ... The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

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398 Jeremy Foutz Many Georgians that I have interviewed assert that Georgian traditional vocal music – especially sacred vocal music – is unchanged and originates in the distant past. A choirmaster at a Georgian Orthodox church said (through a translator) that though it is impossible to know the exact origins of Georgian traditional vocal music, she asserts that it dates to the beginning of Georgia, before Christ, as this music was such an integral part of Georgian life. As she put it, when they mourned, they sang. When they were happy, they sang. When they worked in the field, they sang. She also expressed faith in the Orthodox church, and the patriarchs specifically, in preserving this “treasure of Georgia”, despite its transcription into “international”/Western notation. Later in the interview, she states that the sacred music is unchanged from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, with the exception of some variations of tonal modes, due to careful, deliberate oral transmission and because of the faithfulness of the Georgian people to Christianity (Foutz, Interview subject B011, 2009). Similar issues of what I call traditionality arise in Ellen Koskoff’s work, Music in the Lubavitcher Life, in which she describes the music of a specific Jewish subgroup, the Lubavitchers. ong>Theong> exact meaning and reality of this claim of tradition varies depending on age and religion. Just as the there were differences in musical practice within the Lubavitcher community (Koskoff, 2001), there are differences in perceptions and practice of traditionality among Georgians. Many Georgians acknowledge that “of course” changes were made, but the essence is untouched. In the case of Georgian traditional vocal music, many specifics regarding the performance traditions and the songs themselves have been preserved and revived. Thankfully, research into vocal traditions of specific chanting schools and other forms of traditional vocal music continues through the work of many scholars and musicians. In many cases, the work of the scholars directly informs the musical performances, such as in Ensemble Sakhioba, Ensemble Mtiebi, and in many Georgian Orthodox church choirs. Field recording expeditions are used to help preserve and further understanding of Georgian traditional vocal music, as heard in the work of Ensemble Mzetamze. Initial Implications and Applications of Ancientness and Traditionality At this stage of investigation, the importance of ancientness and traditionality is embodied in the efforts of Georgians and Georgian ethnomusicologists to lay claim to musics of the past. In my upcoming theses, I suggest that ancientness and traditionality in the context of Georgian traditional vocal music are part of a natural dialogue of difference-making. Two main types of difference-making are especially relevant in the work of the social theorist, Georg Simmel. Firstly, he describes spheres of influence/organization in Essays on Religion. Religion is one of the great spheres or “great forms of existence”, as Simmel states, organizing everything else within its body of beliefs and creating an independent hierarchy of ideas. He asserts that as we interact with “personal or material forces”, they are mostly made subordinate to the whole of our life as it currently exists (Simmel, 1977: 137). Different cultures may have different organizing spheres of existence. Furthermore, if forces are sufficiently disruptive or “urgent”, they can only be acknowledged and resolved by a reorganizing of life elements in which the disruption becomes the primary sphere (Simmel, 1977: 137). Georgia’s history is filled with examples of the Russian and Soviet government’s push for a sphere centered on the czar, or later, the cult of personality of Stalin. In contrast, my understanding – informed by Georgian traditional vocal music, written representations of history, ethnomusicological literature, as well as my interviews and discussions with current Georgians– is that the Georgian sphere is organized around religion and agrarian lifestyle. Though she does not mention these theories, Tamar Meskhi gives this example: “If traditional folklore preached for generations against violence,

Ancientness and Traditionality in Georgian Traditional Vocal Music 399 evil, treachery and served philosophical didactics, in the new folklore repertoire these tendencies were replaced by the Lenin-Stalin cult, by the heroic-pathetic topics dedicated to collective farms and the Great Patriotic War against the capitalistic world” (Meskhi, 2002: 501). ong>Theong> strong claims of a pure Georgian character of traditional vocal music in Georgia are especially important as part of this natural difference-making process. Erkomaishvili and Rodonaia note: “Today most people support the theory that Georgian polyphony developed without any outside influence. It is especially significant that Georgian polyphonic singing evolved surrounded by countries with monodic song traditions. Although folk song from the neighboring North Caucasus displays certain elements of polyphony, they are not strong enough to challenge the theory of the local origin of Georgian polyphony” (Erkomaishvili, Rodonaia, 2006: 24). ong>Theong>se two spheres also relate to interactions on a smaller scale, illustrating another side of differencemaking. Simmel notes that the greater the parties’ similarity with each other, the more of themselves as “whole persons” comes into play in relationships. This creates a deeper and more violent hostility because the actors are habitually investing their whole self (Simmel, 1971: 91). Many examples of these theories can be seen in Georgian history. ong>Theong> initial feelings of kinship with Russia began with the deep connections both countries had with orthodox Christianity. As this religion was so central to their cultures, they shared many of the same core beliefs. With the rise of the Soviet Union, the bloody division between the Georgian mensheviks (meaning “minority”) and the Georgian and Russian bolsheviks (“majority”) is another example of this theory. Though I would rather avoid driving into psychoanalysis, Stalin’s (and later, Lavrenti Beria’s) schizophrenic and violent relationship with their homeland could be understood to be related to this theory as well. In seeking to distance themselves from Georgia and embrace the Soviet ideal, they violently oppressed their countrymen with whom they had previously shared so much. I suggest that the interaction of these two spheres during the Soviet period has added new layers of meaning to the concept of ancientness and traditionality within Georgian culture and within Georgian traditional vocal music. ong>Theong>se two concepts can be understood to be a reaction against modernization policies of Stalin and his frustrations with the “backwardness” of Georgia. ong>Theong> ancientness and traditionality of Georgian vocal music helps to establish difference between Georgians and their geographic neighbors. Lastly, practicing traditionality helps draw Georgians close to their past and identify with it, creating temporal and experiential space between them and their most recent oppressors, even though modern Georgians themselves experience distance from their past. In doing so, they also reclaim/reassert elements of an imagined, abstractyet-real-past, creating cultural separation from various encroaching “others”. References Andriadze, Manana, Chkdeidze, Tamar. (2002). “System of Chreli in Georgian Sacred Music”. In: Proceedings of the I ong>Internationalong> ong>Symposiumong> on Traditional Polyphony. P. 442-457. Editors: Tsurtsumia, Rusudan and Jordania, Joseph. Tbilisi: ong>Internationalong> Research Center for Traditional Polyphony of Tbilisi State Conservatoire Chokhonelidze, Evsevi. (2002). “On an Important Period of A Qualitative Shift in Georgian Musical Thinking”. In: Proceedings of the I ong>Internationalong> ong>Symposiumong> on Traditional Polyphony. P. 99-108. Editors: Tsurtsumia, Rusudan and Jordania Joseph. Tbilisi: ong>Internationalong> Research Center for Traditional Polyphony of Tbilisi State Conservatoire Erkomaishvili, Anzor, Rodonaia, Vakhtang. (2006). Georgian Folk Song, ong>Theong> First Sound Recordings. Tbilisi: Omega Tegi Print Hous

398<br />

Jeremy Foutz<br />

Many Georgians that I have interviewed assert that Georgian traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal music – especially sacred<br />

vocal music – is unchanged and originates in the distant past. A choirmaster at a Georgian Orthodox church<br />

said (through a translator) that though it is impossible to know the exact origins of Georgian traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal<br />

music, she asserts that it dates to the beginning of Georgia, before Christ, as this music was such an integral<br />

part of Georgian life. As she put it, when they mourned, they sang. When they were happy, they sang. When<br />

they worked in the field, they sang. She also expressed faith in the Orthodox church, and the patriarchs<br />

specifically, in preserving this “treasure of Georgia”, despite its transcripti<strong>on</strong> into “internati<strong>on</strong>al”/Western<br />

notati<strong>on</strong>. Later in the interview, she states that the sacred music is unchanged from the eleventh and twelfth<br />

centuries, with the excepti<strong>on</strong> of some variati<strong>on</strong>s of t<strong>on</strong>al modes, due to careful, deliberate oral transmissi<strong>on</strong><br />

and because of the faithfulness of the Georgian people to Christianity (Foutz, Interview subject B011, 2009).<br />

Similar issues of what I call traditi<strong>on</strong>ality arise in Ellen Koskoff’s work, Music in the Lubavitcher Life, in<br />

which she describes the music of a specific Jewish subgroup, the Lubavitchers. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> exact meaning and reality<br />

of this claim of traditi<strong>on</strong> varies depending <strong>on</strong> age and religi<strong>on</strong>. Just as the there were differences in musical<br />

practice within the Lubavitcher community (Koskoff, 2001), there are differences in percepti<strong>on</strong>s and practice<br />

of traditi<strong>on</strong>ality am<strong>on</strong>g Georgians. Many Georgians acknowledge that “of course” changes were made, but<br />

the essence is untouched.<br />

In the case of Georgian traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal music, many specifics regarding the performance traditi<strong>on</strong>s and<br />

the s<strong>on</strong>gs themselves have been preserved and revived. Thankfully, research into vocal traditi<strong>on</strong>s of specific<br />

chanting schools and other forms of traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal music c<strong>on</strong>tinues through the work of many scholars<br />

and musicians. In many cases, the work of the scholars directly informs the musical performances, such as<br />

in Ensemble Sakhioba, Ensemble Mtiebi, and in many Georgian Orthodox church choirs. Field recording<br />

expediti<strong>on</strong>s are used to help preserve and further understanding of Georgian traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal music, as heard<br />

in the work of Ensemble Mzetamze.<br />

Initial Implicati<strong>on</strong>s and Applicati<strong>on</strong>s of Ancientness and Traditi<strong>on</strong>ality<br />

At this stage of investigati<strong>on</strong>, the importance of ancientness and traditi<strong>on</strong>ality is embodied in the efforts<br />

of Georgians and Georgian ethnomusicologists to lay claim to musics of the past. In my upcoming theses,<br />

I suggest that ancientness and traditi<strong>on</strong>ality in the c<strong>on</strong>text of Georgian traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal music are part of a<br />

natural dialogue of difference-making.<br />

Two main types of difference-making are especially relevant in the work of the social theorist, Georg<br />

Simmel. Firstly, he describes spheres of influence/organizati<strong>on</strong> in Essays <strong>on</strong> Religi<strong>on</strong>. Religi<strong>on</strong> is <strong>on</strong>e of the<br />

great spheres or “great forms of existence”, as Simmel states, organizing everything else within its body of<br />

beliefs and creating an independent hierarchy of ideas. He asserts that as we interact with “pers<strong>on</strong>al or material<br />

forces”, they are mostly made subordinate to the whole of our life as it currently exists (Simmel, 1977: 137).<br />

Different cultures may have different organizing spheres of existence. Furthermore, if forces are sufficiently<br />

disruptive or “urgent”, they can <strong>on</strong>ly be acknowledged and resolved by a reorganizing of life elements in which<br />

the disrupti<strong>on</strong> becomes the primary sphere (Simmel, 1977: 137). Georgia’s history is filled with examples of<br />

the Russian and Soviet government’s push for a sphere centered <strong>on</strong> the czar, or later, the cult of pers<strong>on</strong>ality of<br />

Stalin. In c<strong>on</strong>trast, my understanding – informed by Georgian traditi<strong>on</strong>al vocal music, written representati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

of history, ethnomusicological literature, as well as my interviews and discussi<strong>on</strong>s with current Georgians– is<br />

that the Georgian sphere is organized around religi<strong>on</strong> and agrarian lifestyle. Though she does not menti<strong>on</strong> these<br />

theories, Tamar Meskhi gives this example: “If traditi<strong>on</strong>al folklore preached for generati<strong>on</strong>s against violence,

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