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The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

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358<br />

Anna Piotrowska<br />

be claimed that <strong>on</strong>e of the many reas<strong>on</strong>s why the figure of an improvising virtuoso gradually disappeared<br />

from the c<strong>on</strong>cert life of 19 th century Europe was the – steadily, though not particularly c<strong>on</strong>sciously growing<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g musically educated intellectuals – c<strong>on</strong>victi<strong>on</strong> of predominately improvising nature of music practised<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g less advanced cultures. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> discovery of Oriental musical traditi<strong>on</strong>s (Bohlman, 1987: 150) (especially<br />

after Napole<strong>on</strong>ic wars) resulted in the comm<strong>on</strong> knowledge about improvising practices cultivated in so called<br />

primitive (in the hierarchical structure) cultures. Improvisati<strong>on</strong> began to be associated with departure from the<br />

aesthetics and compositi<strong>on</strong>al norms of European music. This way of thinking about improvisati<strong>on</strong> affected also<br />

many early 20 th century scholars, including Ernst Ferand, the author of 1938 book Die Improvisati<strong>on</strong> in der<br />

Musik (published first in Zurich) as since the mid-19th century it has often been underlined that improvisati<strong>on</strong><br />

–where inventor and executor is the same pers<strong>on</strong> – is a c<strong>on</strong>cept relevant to n<strong>on</strong>-Western cultures (Nettl, 1974:<br />

2) (including Gypsy cultures). Hence improvisatory expressi<strong>on</strong> – as Robin Moore <strong>on</strong>ce observed – became<br />

to be treated as “threatening, unfamiliar or undeserving of interest” (Moore, 1992: 63). Gypsy musical culture<br />

was naturally classified as the <strong>on</strong>e of barbarian origin. Writing at the end of the 19 th century about primitive<br />

music cultures Richard Wallaschek included Gypsies into his book as representatives of primitive music in<br />

Europe. For him “as a rule the Jews and gipsies, who have retained much of their primitiveness, are c<strong>on</strong>sidered<br />

in archaeological studies” when he topic is to be disused (Wallaschek, 1970: 62).<br />

In the meantime, the period of early 19 th century (more precisely the first three decades) was already<br />

marked by the signs of transiti<strong>on</strong> in the percepti<strong>on</strong> of the status of musicians which achieved its peak in<br />

mid – 19 th century. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> popularity of dilettantism was c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ted with the tendency to alleviate the status of<br />

a musician as a professi<strong>on</strong>al. Dilettantes were finally replaced by artists, although during the phase between<br />

1830 and 1848, it was still the figure of a virtuoso, encompassing professi<strong>on</strong>al and amateur practices alike,<br />

that dominated European musical life. When the battle against virtuosi began, they were portrayed as homeless<br />

strangers, surprisingly enough closely linked with the typical imaginati<strong>on</strong> of a free, wandering Gypsy. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

itinerant virtuoso was in many respects similar to the “hopelessly divorced from his roots” (Gooley, 2006:<br />

89) Gypsy. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> ambiguous positi<strong>on</strong> of the virtuoso suspended between professi<strong>on</strong>al and amateur made him<br />

even more susceptible to this type of associati<strong>on</strong>s: wandering and improvising Gypsy, often self-taught and<br />

uneducated was often (as virtuoso were) treated as nothing more but a famous dilettante.<br />

One of the leading forces in the battle against virtuosity was music journalism. By 1870s virtuosity was<br />

described with the “recurrent adjectives such as cheap, superficial, dish<strong>on</strong>est and flashy” (Gooley, 2006: 105).<br />

Gypsy music, however, was <strong>on</strong>ly occasi<strong>on</strong>ally reported in the 19 th century press, some articles appearing that<br />

dealt with this issue, stereotypically repeated the informati<strong>on</strong> available from books by George Borrow, and<br />

most notably Franz Liszt. Gypsies were c<strong>on</strong>sidered as unable to c<strong>on</strong>ceive and notate their music since as an<br />

English author H.R. Haweis claimed in 1871 “a man’s work is always a true index of his character” (Haweis,<br />

1912: 84). Heavy burden of stereotypes prevented Gypsies – in the eyes of Europe society – from being<br />

capable of composing. It was rather the virtuosity of Gypsies articulated in their improvisati<strong>on</strong>s that was linked<br />

with the overall characteristics of Gypsies, underlying negative aspects of their nature. As the immediate<br />

result of this tendency, while claiming that “the Morality depends up<strong>on</strong> the Artist, not up<strong>on</strong> the Art” (Haweis,<br />

1912: 38) improvisati<strong>on</strong> – seen as the basic means of musical expressi<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g primitive cultures (including<br />

Gypsies) – began to be looked <strong>on</strong> in the intellectual circles of Europe with certain disdain. C<strong>on</strong>sequently<br />

improvising practice lost its impact and popularity it cherished in the first half of the 19 th century.<br />

By its very nature improvisati<strong>on</strong> does not necessarily follow the all regulati<strong>on</strong>s of theory of music and<br />

does not always obey the rules of compositi<strong>on</strong>. And yet, already in the 1840s the thorough knowledge of these

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