The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ... The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

06.05.2013 Views

314 Daiva Račiūnaitė -Vyčinienė Lithuanian sutartinės tradition Sutartinės were sung at work, weddings and calendar festivals. Many of them were associated with very solemn rituals. For example, after a day of harvesting rye, women would lodge their sickles in a sheaf of rye and turn to the sun. ong>Theong>y would sit and bow while singing sutartinės to thank the sun for a good day. [“Once seeing the sun takin’ a sit down, the women folk put the rye bundles down in front of them and poke their sickles in ‘em. ong>Theong>n they turn ‘round to face the sun and chant this here sutartinė, givin’ thanks to the sun for this day. ong>Theong>y sit with their hands together, look on the sun and swing to an’ fro, chantin’ as the sun slinks away” (Karolina Statulevičienė thusly described the chanting of the sutartinė song, Saulala sadina)] 123 . Lithuanian sutartinės tradition 7) Ritual nature of songs Respondents reported that women most often per– formed the sutartinės. ong>Theong> men only played on wo– odwind and string instruments (excepting certain cases). ong>Theong> highly archaic connection between wo– men and singing does not have a clear-cut expla– nation and it requires more in-depth discussion. ong>Theong> roots of this phenomenon can go as far back as the matriarchal period. In the worldview of agricultural people, singing by women is particularly meaningful. Women exclusively performed the oldest sutartinės (fig. 9). In truth, there are some commentaries that men would also participate in the dancing. However, such evidence is scant and generally refers to the sutartinės of later periods 24 . Both women and men (of 4-10 and, sometimes, up to 20 singers) can sing collective sutartinės. Ainu tradition 8) Mainly a female singing tradition According to I. Kudobera, upopos are sacral festival songs (matsuri-no uta in Japanese) (Majewicz, 1983: 115). However, even such everyday songs have sacred ra– ther than mundane meanings. “Chants like the kar Upopo (sake-making song) and the iyuta Upopo (the pounding song)… are not labor songs; rather they are magic-oriented, for they are sung to ward off evil spirits” (Tanimoto, 1999: 283) (fig. 8). Ainu tradition ong>Theong> prevailing opinion is that the upopo is sung mainly by women (fig. 10). “Upopo starts when men bring the lid of a chest from a treasure altar and hand it to a Fuchi ‘old woman’ after a ritual or ceremony. ong>Theong>n the women sit around the lid of the ches t” 25 . However, according to C. Forlivesi, the 1929 NHK recording features five short but quite elaborate po– lyphonic pieces by men. Around one minute each, they actually belong, in his estimation, to the same semantic family with few (but interesting) differen– ces. At the time, these might have sounded like “just” intricately devised onomatopoeias, and the transc– ribers of the epics “ignored” them as a consequence” (Forlivesi, 2004: 79).

Lithuanian and Ainu Vocal Polyphony: Certain Parallels 315 Some of the analogies I’ve differentiated undoubtedly could be universal, equally characteristic of the Lithuanian and Ainu vocal polyphony as well as of the polyphonic traditions of other nations (e.g., predominance of singing by women, ritualistic origin of songs, synchronisation of music-dance-poetry, singing like the piping of birds and the like). Actually there are even more mysterious similarities, e.g., 5-string cittern-type of instruments are known in the traditions of both countries: the Lithuanian kanklės (used only to play polyphonic sutartinės (fig. 11, 12) and the Ainu tonkori (fig. 13, 14). ong>Theong>refore today’s observations are merely the beginning of further, in-depth studies. Clearly, despite the differences in the Lithuanian and Ainu vocal traditions (especially in the production of sound and the area of articulation), certain ancient principles of creativity in common unifies them (of which some are undoubtedly universal, found in numerous cultures with archaic traditions). ong>Theong> major similarity is the canonical (imitative) organisation of the voices. ong>Theong>refore I would like to return to the concept of canon itself. ong>Theong> literature on ethnomusicology usually refers to the Lithuanian sutartinės (trejinės) as canonical or simply as canons (this term is also valid for Ainu polyphony). Meanwhile canon is a rather late term in musicology; its current usage did not prevail prior to the 15 th -16 th century. ong>Theong> genesis of the canon concept is rather complex and it reflects various stages of evolvement. ong>Theong> idea of canon-perpetual imitation in European professional polyphony had entirely different names for the genre – rota, rondel in English; radel or “wheel” in German; rotula, caccia in Italian and chasse, chase in French. ong>Theong> last two terms can mean ‘hunt’, ‘chase’, ‘persecution’ or ‘race’. Such names are a picturesque depiction of the principle for the structure of the canon (one voice seemingly “hunts” another). Folk singers described the canon of the sutartinės analogically: “No. I says, ‘Aš vedziāsiu (I’m leading [dialect])’, and No. II says, ‘Aš paskui tavi (I’m after you [dialect])” 26 ; “Voice II starts from the beginning and, up to the end, chases after the first voice” 27 and similarly. ong>Theong> canon principle is told in similar words in Southern Russia, which is noted for its strong tradition of vocal and instrumental polyphony. ong>Theong> terminology of overtone flute players reflects the principle of following (imitating): “Watch and follow me. Repeat the same!” (Ivanov, 1993: 63–64). Here the teaching tradition conforms to the logic of canon: “ong>Theong> ‘followers’ repeat after the ‘leader’, following from behind (Ivanov, 1993: 52). This reminds of the principle of the entry in stages by skudučiai ‘pan pipe-type flutes’ in Lithuanian polyphonic music 28 . Quite frequently, the first one following behind the following party is the duplication in canon of its rhythm motifs (in either the simple or “crab” canon). ong>Theong> canon principle is distinguished as essential to the peliani ‘woodwind type’ playing tradition of the Komi (USSR Republic) people of Perm. ong>Theong> roles of the peliani player pairs are strictly delineated: “ötik posššo – möbik vötö ‘one runs – the other chases’”, one starts blowing – the other one ‘chases, persecutes’ from behind and one ‘talks, says’ – the other one ‘replies’” 29 . ong>Theong> canon principle of “pursuit” is also cha– racteristic of the kugikli ‘pan pipe-type flute’ playing tradition of Southern Russia: “the priduval’nye ‘the ones blowing’ follow those playing a set of 5 pipes who lag behind by a polšaga ‘half-step’, and their breathing is in opposition to the breathing of the main blowers” (Velichkina, 1993: 80). An analogical principle can be distinguished in African music as well. For example, in Uganda (East Africa), the playing of two xylophonists is based on duple-division interlocking - the second musician enters lagging a “half a part” behind the first one (Kubik, 1988: 28) 30 . This principle of kreutzrhytmik ‘rhythmical intertwining’ is characteristic of playing both “percussion” and “woodwind” instruments in Africa and, at times, even of “singing” music 31 . ong>Theong>se last cases of polyphony indicate that manifestations of canon (constant chasing, learning from the “elder”, imitating and the like) accomplish the organisation for different voices parts in numerous polyphonic music traditions, i.e., the function of coordinating amongst one another (though, actually, the latter does not

Lithuanian and Ainu Vocal Polyph<strong>on</strong>y: Certain Parallels<br />

315<br />

Some of the analogies I’ve differentiated undoubtedly could be universal, equally characteristic of<br />

the Lithuanian and Ainu vocal polyph<strong>on</strong>y as well as of the polyph<strong>on</strong>ic traditi<strong>on</strong>s of other nati<strong>on</strong>s (e.g.,<br />

predominance of singing by women, ritualistic origin of s<strong>on</strong>gs, synchr<strong>on</strong>isati<strong>on</strong> of music-dance-poetry,<br />

singing like the piping of birds and the like). Actually there are even more mysterious similarities, e.g., 5-string<br />

cittern-type of instruments are known in the traditi<strong>on</strong>s of both countries: the Lithuanian kanklės (used <strong>on</strong>ly to<br />

play polyph<strong>on</strong>ic sutartinės (fig. 11, 12) and the Ainu t<strong>on</strong>kori (fig. 13, 14). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>refore today’s observati<strong>on</strong>s are<br />

merely the beginning of further, in-depth studies.<br />

Clearly, despite the differences in the Lithuanian and Ainu vocal traditi<strong>on</strong>s (especially in the producti<strong>on</strong><br />

of sound and the area of articulati<strong>on</strong>), certain ancient principles of creativity in comm<strong>on</strong> unifies them (of which<br />

some are undoubtedly universal, found in numerous cultures with archaic traditi<strong>on</strong>s). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> major similarity is<br />

the can<strong>on</strong>ical (imitative) organisati<strong>on</strong> of the voices. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>refore I would like to return to the c<strong>on</strong>cept of can<strong>on</strong><br />

itself. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> literature <strong>on</strong> ethnomusicology usually refers to the Lithuanian sutartinės (trejinės) as can<strong>on</strong>ical<br />

or simply as can<strong>on</strong>s (this term is also valid for Ainu polyph<strong>on</strong>y). Meanwhile can<strong>on</strong> is a rather late term in<br />

musicology; its current usage did not prevail prior to the 15 th -16 th century. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> genesis of the can<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>cept<br />

is rather complex and it reflects various stages of evolvement. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> idea of can<strong>on</strong>-perpetual imitati<strong>on</strong> in<br />

European professi<strong>on</strong>al polyph<strong>on</strong>y had entirely different names for the genre – rota, r<strong>on</strong>del in English; radel or<br />

“wheel” in German; rotula, caccia in Italian and chasse, chase in French. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> last two terms can mean ‘hunt’,<br />

‘chase’, ‘persecuti<strong>on</strong>’ or ‘race’. Such names are a picturesque depicti<strong>on</strong> of the principle for the structure of the<br />

can<strong>on</strong> (<strong>on</strong>e voice seemingly “hunts” another). Folk singers described the can<strong>on</strong> of the sutartinės analogically:<br />

“No. I says, ‘Aš vedziāsiu (I’m leading [dialect])’, and No. II says, ‘Aš paskui tavi (I’m after you [dialect])” 26 ;<br />

“Voice II starts from the beginning and, up to the end, chases after the first voice” 27 and similarly. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

can<strong>on</strong> principle is told in similar words in Southern Russia, which is noted for its str<strong>on</strong>g traditi<strong>on</strong> of vocal<br />

and instrumental polyph<strong>on</strong>y. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> terminology of overt<strong>on</strong>e flute players reflects the principle of following<br />

(imitating): “Watch and follow me. Repeat the same!” (Ivanov, 1993: 63–64). Here the teaching traditi<strong>on</strong><br />

c<strong>on</strong>forms to the logic of can<strong>on</strong>: “<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘followers’ repeat after the ‘leader’, following from behind (Ivanov,<br />

1993: 52). This reminds of the principle of the entry in stages by skudučiai ‘pan pipe-type flutes’ in Lithuanian<br />

polyph<strong>on</strong>ic music 28 . Quite frequently, the first <strong>on</strong>e following behind the following party is the duplicati<strong>on</strong> in<br />

can<strong>on</strong> of its rhythm motifs (in either the simple or “crab” can<strong>on</strong>).<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> can<strong>on</strong> principle is distinguished as essential to the peliani ‘woodwind type’ playing traditi<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

Komi (USSR Republic) people of Perm. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> roles of the peliani player pairs are strictly delineated: “ötik<br />

posššo – möbik vötö ‘<strong>on</strong>e runs – the other chases’”, <strong>on</strong>e starts blowing – the other <strong>on</strong>e ‘chases, persecutes’<br />

from behind and <strong>on</strong>e ‘talks, says’ – the other <strong>on</strong>e ‘replies’” 29 . <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> can<strong>on</strong> principle of “pursuit” is also cha–<br />

racteristic of the kugikli ‘pan pipe-type flute’ playing traditi<strong>on</strong> of Southern Russia: “the priduval’nye ‘the <strong>on</strong>es<br />

blowing’ follow those playing a set of 5 pipes who lag behind by a polšaga ‘half-step’, and their breathing<br />

is in oppositi<strong>on</strong> to the breathing of the main blowers” (Velichkina, 1993: 80). An analogical principle can be<br />

distinguished in African music as well. For example, in Uganda (East Africa), the playing of two xyloph<strong>on</strong>ists<br />

is based <strong>on</strong> duple-divisi<strong>on</strong> interlocking - the sec<strong>on</strong>d musician enters lagging a “half a part” behind the first <strong>on</strong>e<br />

(Kubik, 1988: 28) 30 . This principle of kreutzrhytmik ‘rhythmical intertwining’ is characteristic of playing both<br />

“percussi<strong>on</strong>” and “woodwind” instruments in Africa and, at times, even of “singing” music 31 .<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se last cases of polyph<strong>on</strong>y indicate that manifestati<strong>on</strong>s of can<strong>on</strong> (c<strong>on</strong>stant chasing, learning from the<br />

“elder”, imitating and the like) accomplish the organisati<strong>on</strong> for different voices parts in numerous polyph<strong>on</strong>ic<br />

music traditi<strong>on</strong>s, i.e., the functi<strong>on</strong> of coordinating am<strong>on</strong>gst <strong>on</strong>e another (though, actually, the latter does not

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