The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ... The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

06.05.2013 Views

286 Andrea Kuzmich traditional music like Georgian polyphony, where the rhetoric surrounding the practice is steeped in historical references, I suggest that the “immanent musical history” must be riddled out from the history of the homeland, the history of the musical practice, and the implication these have for the musical development – for the aesthetic development of the musical practice. Georgian Polyphony, Its History and Its Embodiment of Ancestry for Georgians Starting off with a brief description of the structure of the Georgian polyphonic music, this section delves into the complexities of analyzing a music for the past it embodies. For instance, more overt readings of Georgia’s war-torn past are found in the lyrics, song subjects, song types, and the rhetoric than surrounds the practice. But more obscure readings actually reflect how the history of conflict affects the nature of the musical practice. Delving into these obscure readings proves confusing and speculative; however, the pieces of the puzzles seem to take more shape when we recognize the unifying role Christianity plays in Georgia’s history of conflict and the implications this had on the musical development. Of primary importance is recognizing that the three-part structure of Georgian polyphony is actually something of anomaly in this part of the world, where neighbouring nations (like Armenia, Azerbaijan and those in the North Caucasus) practice more monophonic musical traditions. According to Georgians, singing Georgian songs acts as a metaphor for love and comradery; and in an Andersonian sense, the resulting comradery reaffirms a Georgian nation through an “imagined community” (Anderson, 1991). But it should be noted that Georgian polyphony is not a monolithic style that spans the country. Georgian polyphony actually comes in a multitude of musical dialects reflecting the regional differences of the land. This in turn reflects the numerous peoples who have settled or passed through the heart of the Caucasus, the crossroads between the eastern and western worlds. For this reason, many would claim Georgian Polyphony to be a testament to the country’s unity. This statement gains even greater significance when one considers how Georgia has been unified less than 200 years over the past 2000. In fact, Georgia’s history over the past fifteen-hundred years is essentially that of a small Christian state fighting for survival amongst greater powers within the Caucasus. It has been invaded, divided, allianced, united and fragmented over and over again (Suny, 1994; Tournamnoff, 1963). Georgians’ practice of their polyphonic music is inescapably associated with narratives of ancestry and the past that reflect the historical and geopolitical struggles of this contested nation. Most overtly, these can be seen in the subject matter of songs dedicated to peace and war, and of harrowing encounters and shaming betrayal in song lyrics or the rhetoric that surrounds the performance of a song – whether that rhetoric be at a concert, a specific national commemorative event, or, where most often it would be heard, in the toast that a song accompanies at a traditional dinner. An example of an overt reading of this struggle can be found in the lyrics of a Gurian Song, recorded in the 1930s, called Ali Pasha Adila. ong>Theong> song is about a commander from the western province of Ajara at the end of the 18 th century who, bribed by the Turks, was shamed for his betrayal. A few things should be noted when listening to this song. First, according to many Georgian singers and ethnomusicologists, the lyrics, which reference the story of Ali Pasha’s shame, are apparently not as old as the song itself. Also, the form of polyphony in this song is quite extreme with its contrapuntal style, use of krimanchuli (yodeling technique), dissonant chords, and fast pace energy. At times, it may actually sound like a battlefield 2 . Interestingly, despite the lyrical and sonic reference to war and conflict, the musical structure of this song, which demonstrates no prevailing melody, relies on three equal weighted voices for its aesthetic experience.

ong>Theong> Transnational Ancestry of Georgian Polyphony: Other Practitioners of Traditional Georgian Songs and Narratives of the Past 287 Of course, not all Georgian polyphony sounds so aggressive and there are many other songs subjects and song types – like those of love, travel, work, and of celebrating and toasting – that need to be considered when ‘reading’ for ancestry. So looking for song subjects or content about war or peace is not the only way to understand how Georgian ancestry is heard in Georgian polyphony and we need to turn to the obscure readings and in particular how conflict affected the musical practice and its aesthetic development. As I have argued elsewhere, the musical tradition itself is built from a preservationist sentiment deeply rooted in the Georgian psyche, a result of the conflict and fragmentation Georgians as a people have had to endure over the centuries (Kuzmich, 2007: 2010). This manifests in two ways. First, the musical practice can be seen as being part of a larger tradition of revivals within the land since the nature of reoccurring invasions and conflict results in the need to rebuild and/or revive local culture. Furthermore, the ensemble tradition (which is essentially the polyphonic singing tradition) was part of this local culture (which included literature, the sacred singing tradition, and copper enamel among others) and most likely went through or was affected by many revival-like incidents. Second, a preservationist instinct ensued and fuelled revival like activity, and thus explains how the musical tradition in the capital today (which is organized by independent groups of dedicated individuals who carry out archival/field research) resembles the tradition of 100 years ago in the rural regions, which interestingly also involved archival/field research led by independent groups of enthusiasts committed to the preservation of the folk culture. ong>Theong> aesthetic development of the songs thus needs to be understood as part of this legacy and Christianity plays a fundamental role in this. Very early on, Georgians had developed their own Georgian version of Christianity, with their own sacred texts translated to vernacular form by the mid fifth century. This essentially established a Georgian ideology that united the country, despite the numerous times the country would be invaded and fragmented thereafter. It must also be understood that Georgian polyphonic songs are not chants; they are not sacred music. ong>Theong>re are different words for song, simghera, and chant, galoba, and these are two separate traditions – one vernacular and the other a highly revered profession; 3 however, the two traditions could not help but influence each other, especially since there was never a differentiation between secular and sacred language that existed for example in Western Europe. “ong>Theong> popular saying today, that the best chanters were the best folk singers, reflects not only the relationship between the two forms of singing, but identifies how the secular musical practice was influenced by a sacred, professional singing practice. This in turn suggests an interesting path in the development of folk songs, one where highly skilled singers who were also deeply spiritual individuals would foster the growth of the folk heritage” (Kuzmich, 2010: 152). And of course, none of this influence would have occurred had Georgian Christianity not been a unifying ideology. Philosophically, the Georgian Church as an early branch of Orthodox Christianity, is a more contem– plative religion than Roman Catholicism or Protestantism. And arguably, given the Eastern Orthodox Church’s non-hierarchical structure within its service and its church structure, a more democratic, even tolerant religion (Ware, 1993: 1-17). When Georgian singers speak of God or Christianity, and they often do, it is done in a most sincere, palpable way, without judgement or moral high ground. ong>Theong>se attitudes are reflected in their toasts to God, which is always about the ability or the chance to love. ong>Theong> words of one very articulate ensemble leader, Dato Udznadze, best describe it: “Tradition and religion are the same in Georgia. ong>Theong>se are what have saved us. It’s a kind of lifestyle. This type of tradition passes on love, kindness. ong>Theong>se are the fundamental elements of religion” (Dato Udznadze, interview with author, Tbilisi, 2005). Perhaps this is the ancestry Georgian polyphony is performing. Udznadze recognizes Christianity’s role in Georgia’s war torn past was to unite the country and maintain

<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> Transnati<strong>on</strong>al Ancestry of Georgian Polyph<strong>on</strong>y: Other Practiti<strong>on</strong>ers<br />

of Traditi<strong>on</strong>al Georgian S<strong>on</strong>gs and Narratives of the Past<br />

287<br />

Of course, not all Georgian polyph<strong>on</strong>y sounds so aggressive and there are many other s<strong>on</strong>gs subjects<br />

and s<strong>on</strong>g types – like those of love, travel, work, and of celebrating and toasting – that need to be c<strong>on</strong>sidered<br />

when ‘reading’ for ancestry. So looking for s<strong>on</strong>g subjects or c<strong>on</strong>tent about war or peace is not the <strong>on</strong>ly way to<br />

understand how Georgian ancestry is heard in Georgian polyph<strong>on</strong>y and we need to turn to the obscure readings<br />

and in particular how c<strong>on</strong>flict affected the musical practice and its aesthetic development.<br />

As I have argued elsewhere, the musical traditi<strong>on</strong> itself is built from a preservati<strong>on</strong>ist sentiment deeply<br />

rooted in the Georgian psyche, a result of the c<strong>on</strong>flict and fragmentati<strong>on</strong> Georgians as a people have had to<br />

endure over the centuries (Kuzmich, 2007: 2010). This manifests in two ways. First, the musical practice can<br />

be seen as being part of a larger traditi<strong>on</strong> of revivals within the land since the nature of reoccurring invasi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and c<strong>on</strong>flict results in the need to rebuild and/or revive local culture. Furthermore, the ensemble traditi<strong>on</strong><br />

(which is essentially the polyph<strong>on</strong>ic singing traditi<strong>on</strong>) was part of this local culture (which included literature,<br />

the sacred singing traditi<strong>on</strong>, and copper enamel am<strong>on</strong>g others) and most likely went through or was affected by<br />

many revival-like incidents. Sec<strong>on</strong>d, a preservati<strong>on</strong>ist instinct ensued and fuelled revival like activity, and thus<br />

explains how the musical traditi<strong>on</strong> in the capital today (which is organized by independent groups of dedicated<br />

individuals who carry out archival/field research) resembles the traditi<strong>on</strong> of 100 years ago in the rural regi<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

which interestingly also involved archival/field research led by independent groups of enthusiasts committed<br />

to the preservati<strong>on</strong> of the folk culture.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> aesthetic development of the s<strong>on</strong>gs thus needs to be understood as part of this legacy and Christianity<br />

plays a fundamental role in this. Very early <strong>on</strong>, Georgians had developed their own Georgian versi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

Christianity, with their own sacred texts translated to vernacular form by the mid fifth century. This essentially<br />

established a Georgian ideology that united the country, despite the numerous times the country would be<br />

invaded and fragmented thereafter. It must also be understood that Georgian polyph<strong>on</strong>ic s<strong>on</strong>gs are not chants;<br />

they are not sacred music. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>re are different words for s<strong>on</strong>g, simghera, and chant, galoba, and these are two<br />

separate traditi<strong>on</strong>s – <strong>on</strong>e vernacular and the other a highly revered professi<strong>on</strong>; 3 however, the two traditi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

could not help but influence each other, especially since there was never a differentiati<strong>on</strong> between secular<br />

and sacred language that existed for example in Western Europe. “<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> popular saying today, that the best<br />

chanters were the best folk singers, reflects not <strong>on</strong>ly the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between the two forms of singing, but<br />

identifies how the secular musical practice was influenced by a sacred, professi<strong>on</strong>al singing practice. This in<br />

turn suggests an interesting path in the development of folk s<strong>on</strong>gs, <strong>on</strong>e where highly skilled singers who were<br />

also deeply spiritual individuals would foster the growth of the folk heritage” (Kuzmich, 2010: 152). And of<br />

course, n<strong>on</strong>e of this influence would have occurred had Georgian Christianity not been a unifying ideology.<br />

Philosophically, the Georgian Church as an early branch of Orthodox Christianity, is a more c<strong>on</strong>tem–<br />

plative religi<strong>on</strong> than Roman Catholicism or Protestantism. And arguably, given the Eastern Orthodox Church’s<br />

n<strong>on</strong>-hierarchical structure within its service and its church structure, a more democratic, even tolerant religi<strong>on</strong><br />

(Ware, 1993: 1-17). When Georgian singers speak of God or Christianity, and they often do, it is d<strong>on</strong>e in a most<br />

sincere, palpable way, without judgement or moral high ground. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se attitudes are reflected in their toasts to<br />

God, which is always about the ability or the chance to love. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> words of <strong>on</strong>e very articulate ensemble leader,<br />

Dato Udznadze, best describe it: “Traditi<strong>on</strong> and religi<strong>on</strong> are the same in Georgia. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se are what have saved<br />

us. It’s a kind of lifestyle. This type of traditi<strong>on</strong> passes <strong>on</strong> love, kindness. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se are the fundamental elements<br />

of religi<strong>on</strong>” (Dato Udznadze, interview with author, Tbilisi, 2005). Perhaps this is the ancestry Georgian<br />

polyph<strong>on</strong>y is performing.<br />

Udznadze recognizes Christianity’s role in Georgia’s war torn past was to unite the country and maintain

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!