The Fifth International Symposium on Traditional Polyphony ...

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Maia Gelashvili
Some scholars think that at that peri-od Vainakhs used the Georgian alphabet, which is suggested by Prince
Teimuraz’s (18 th -19 th century) following phrase, “Kists, Ghlighvs, Dzurdzuks were the first to become
Christians and speak the Georgian language”.
<strong>The</strong> defensive towers of Vainakhs, Khevsurs and Tushetians are similar. In order to build towers and
fortresses Khevsurians brought Kistian builders from Ghilgho. Of interest is the fact that in the twelfth century
the influence of Georgians was so great that they named their daughters after Queen Tamar. <strong>The</strong>y also gave the
name “Tamar” to bridges and even to beautiful flowers.
In Vainakh mythology Pharmat is an ideological counterpart of Amiran, a Ge-orgian mythical hero, as he,
like Amiran, was chained to the Bashlam mountain peak in the Caucasian mountains by the God Siela (the God
of weather). In Vainakh oral folklore the theme of Georgians as valiant and chivalrous warriors occurs quite
frequently. Similarly, in Georgian folklore it is the theme of Vainakh warriors, “since both Kists and ourselves
knew the value of worthy men very well”.
In the sixteenth century Islam began to spread in Chechnya, subsequently the same process started in
Ingushetia. In spite of the fact that by the end of the nineteenth century Islam had finally gained ground among
the Vainakhs, the remnants of the old Pagan and Christian religions were not entirely eradicated and as a result
of their blending with Islam a new syncretistic religion, the so-called “traditional Islam” emerged, where the
Vainakhs have remained loyal to their old customs and traditions.
After having adopted Islam a new genre of religious lyrics by the name Nazm (Nazm – an Arabic word
derived from the word Nazm-um – lit.: “tinkled on the diamond bridge”, i.e. the sound of a song tinkled)
appeared in the Vainakh epos. Nazm gives an idea of the ayah (verses) of the Quran, Hadith (representing
the episodes of Mohammed’s life and activities and Thaphsirs (commentaries on the Koran) (video ex. 1).
This genre is unknown in the countries of the Near East, as is was never necessary for them, because there
they read and translated the Koran without difficulty. But Chechen theologians, who did not have a written
language of their own and did not know the Arabic language, found this way convenient for introducing and
consolidating the new faith.
<strong>The</strong> emergence of Nazm is associated with the name of Kunth Haji, a religious leader. His appeal to people
for peace and work was very popular with the Vainakhs, who were tired of wars. At the age of ten Kunth
Haji performed a religious ritual Zikr, with rhythmic rocking and exclamations, previously quite unknown in
Che-chen-Ingushetia. It was Zikr which was subsequently associated with the ritual of lamentation, which is
very popular with the Pankisi Kists by the name of Dzikhar, though we may come across other names as well:
Dzikhar, Dzigar, Zikhar and Zikr.
<strong>The</strong> lamentation ritual consists of several parts. <strong>The</strong> jogging ritual, performed round a circle, is preceded
by a song-prayer, accompanied by a long drawn-out drone. This song is nearer to the Nazm with its drone form
of multipart singing and melodic-intonational character. <strong>The</strong> circular ritual is accompanied by exclamations,
intensified by the loud stamping of feet. <strong>The</strong> tempo becomes faster and the ritual acquires elements of
magic. Kists perform it with such zeal as if they were summoning the souls of their ancestors. It should be
noted that Dzikhar, apart from mourning, was also performed after a war, during a period of grief and when
commemorating their ancestors (video ex. 2).
It is important to note that the musical-intonational and mode-harmonic foun-dation of the Kistian
religious songs is folk music.
This is how M. Albutashvili describes lamentation for the deceased, “<strong>The</strong> wo-men, the mourners, when
approaching the house, at some distance, begin bewailing aloud, one lamenting and the others providing
the long drone… at the courtyard gate they are met by the family members of the deceased, who are also
lamenting. <strong>The</strong>re the manner of the mourning changes. One of them goes on bewailing, the others, hitting
their chests with their fists, exclaim loudly Vaidadai. When they get tired, they enter the house and again begin
lamenting loudly. <strong>The</strong> miurids do not allow the women to go on mourning; they surround the deceased and
begin to perform Dzikhar” (albutashvili, 1990: 6).
Here I would like to present an excerpt from Al. Qazbeg’s Elguja, where a similar ritual is described: “<strong>The</strong>
leader began Dadai in a calm, mournful voice, and the others, slapping their cheeks, began the base and move
forward by small steps. <strong>The</strong> mourners, sitting near the deceased, also slapped their cheeks answered Adai […]