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models. Yet these mythological scenes, although<br />
originating in pagan mythology, enjoyed popularity<br />
in Byzantine secular art with both Jews and<br />
Christians, as proved by other mosaics in the area<br />
(such as the House of Leontis at Beth She"an and<br />
those at Erez, Sheikh Zuweid, and Madaba).<br />
The Nile Festival building is a public structure,<br />
and could be a pagan or even a Christian<br />
or Jewish building, but it affords no clear evidence<br />
as to what kind of community it served.<br />
Archaeological evidence indicates a date in the<br />
early 5th century, although ‘the stylistic analysis<br />
of the mosaics is ambiguous in this regard’ (Weiss<br />
& Talgam 2002: 85).<br />
The excavators believe that the artists who<br />
made the Nile Festival building’s mosaics came<br />
from Alexandria (Weiss & Talgam 2002: 85, note<br />
170). This assumption is based on eight lines of<br />
Greek Inscription I, which was found on the outside<br />
of the west entrance. Di Segni (2002: 91-97)<br />
maintains that it contains a reference to the Nilotic<br />
mosaic and praises the two artists, Procopius (who<br />
may have been the head of the team) and his sonin-law<br />
Patricius (the apprentice) who came from<br />
Alexandria (lines 5-6). Bowersock (2004) suggests<br />
a different reading of the same inscription, for<br />
which he proposes considerable corrections. He<br />
refutes the notion that the inscription is related<br />
to the Nile mosaic, situated four rooms away.<br />
Bowersock interpretation, which seems more persuasive,<br />
is that the Nile Festival building was the<br />
house of the daughter of the governor Procopius<br />
and her husband Absolius Patricius (Bowersock<br />
2004: 766). He further argues that the governor<br />
may be identified as Fl. Theodorus Georgius Procopius<br />
(517/8), who ruled Palaestina Secunda, the<br />
province to which Sepphoris belonged (but see<br />
the replay of Di Segni 2005b). These proposed<br />
changes to the inscription provide an approximate<br />
early 6th-century date for the building’s mosaic<br />
pavements. They also leave unresolved the question<br />
of the artists who created the mosaics, with no<br />
real indication that they came from Alexandria.<br />
The Tabgha Church Mosaic<br />
The Tabgha church pavements are the work of a<br />
great 5th-century master (Avi-Yonah 1960: 34).<br />
The transept’s two panels show Nilotic flora and<br />
fauna (fig. V-2), perhaps employing the traditional<br />
repertory of the earth’s fertility and wealth in a<br />
special design (Dunbabin 1999: 194).<br />
chapter twelve<br />
At Tabgha the Nilotic motifs are distributed<br />
freely over the floor, without a clear plan, although<br />
they convey the impression of some continuity<br />
and relation between the various groups depicted<br />
in the design.<br />
The artist did not depict the flora and birds<br />
realistically but schematically (pls. V.8e-f). He<br />
might have had a representation of a city, of which<br />
he used only a reduced version (Schneider 1937:<br />
61, 69-70). The Tabgha mosaicist was a skilled<br />
craftsman, able to create an original work with<br />
distinctive and unique motifs depicted as spread<br />
out isolated scenes, where some episodes portray<br />
actual events. Schneider suggests that the mosaicist<br />
was a native of one of the great Graeco-<br />
Roman seaboard cities. Pixner (1985: 200, 202)<br />
maintains the Tabgha mosaicist was of Egyptian<br />
origin, on the assumption that the Patriarch<br />
Martyrios, who donated the mosaic pavement,<br />
brought in an Egyptian mosaicist to make the<br />
floor.<br />
The Kissufim Church Mosaic<br />
In St. Elias church at Kissufim (Cohen 1979,<br />
1980) the mosaic in the northern aisle of the<br />
nave and several intercolumnar panels are the<br />
only surviving parts. The aisle composition consists<br />
of ten assorted episodes arranged in parallel<br />
registers, one above the other, surrounded by<br />
a frame of composite guilloche flanked by two<br />
rows of wave design (pl. VII.7; fig. VII-4). Animal<br />
combat and hunting events are shown, as well as<br />
peaceful scenes; the themes in the various panels<br />
do not form a continuous narrative. Each of the<br />
series of horizontal panels renders groupings of<br />
pairs of figures with some sort of ground lines<br />
between the registers. The style of the pavement<br />
is uniform and unique. The unity of the panels is<br />
established by all of them being almost the same<br />
size, with no scene dominating the entire composition.<br />
Two of the intercolumnar panels depict<br />
figurative scenes: two female donors bearing gifts<br />
in one panel (pl. XI.3a) and a camel driver in the<br />
other (pl. VII.18a). All panels have a white background<br />
with no landscape except plants and trees<br />
randomly dispersed. The white tesserae of the<br />
background follow the outline of the figures<br />
The ten narrative panels, described from the<br />
entrance (west), are (pl. VII.7; fig. VII-4): sheep<br />
flanking a tree and peacefully nibbling foliage;<br />
combat of man and bear; a lion attacking a bull;<br />
a hound pursuing an antelope and hare; a hunter