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257<br />

11118[111"8<br />

(ii) The Clermont household data refer to a sample <strong>of</strong> formal and less<br />

formal dwellings. A mean occupancy <strong>of</strong> two people per room was<br />

found in the survey, which implies a mean daily per capita<br />

(household) water consumption <strong>of</strong> approximately 28 t (based on<br />

individual sample stand data). The data however, refer more<br />

specifically to daily consumption per room and per stand, and not per<br />

capita. The consumption data for shops do not include attached<br />

rooms. An overall estimate (excluding the number <strong>of</strong> rooms), was<br />

provided for schools. Survey data showed that the mean number <strong>of</strong><br />

rooms per stand in sewered areas was 30% less than in nonsewered<br />

areas. The mean daily consumption per room in sewered<br />

areas was some 2,5 times higher than in non-sewered areas,<br />

reflecting a higher standard <strong>of</strong> living. The mean number <strong>of</strong> rooms per<br />

stand (all types <strong>of</strong> dwellings) was 9,6. On an holistic basis,<br />

consumption for sample stands connected to water only, averaged<br />

a very low 384 t day-1, with a more realistic 970 t day-1 for fully<br />

serviced plots. Considerable differences in consumption were<br />

evident where bulk water volumes supplied to reservoirs were used<br />

as the basis for consumption calculations. For example, daily<br />

(household) per capita consumption based on reservoir data was<br />

65 t, with a figure <strong>of</strong> 130 t per room, or a very high figure <strong>of</strong><br />

1 250 t per stand (formal and less formal dwellings). Similar<br />

discrepancies have been found in many black townships in<br />

NatallKwaZulu. Bosch and Associates <strong>of</strong> Durban (quoted in the J.C.<br />

Theron Burke and lsaac report), in a study <strong>of</strong> Umlazi, observed that<br />

only one third <strong>of</strong> the bulk water supplied was registered as being<br />

consumed. Differences were mainly ascribed to leaks, with faulty<br />

water meters and the incorrect reading there<strong>of</strong> also apparent.<br />

Revenue losses are due to non-payment or sporadic payment only.<br />

Even where payment is undertaken on a regular basis, the monies<br />

collected may not reflect .true consumption (as explained above).<br />

Callstherefore for upgraded services whereupon regular payment will<br />

commence, may to some extent backfire since meters will be<br />

repaired and properly monitored - assuming that conventional<br />

metering is the most suitable payment option *. Equity should<br />

result where major leaks are repaired and the payment load across<br />

the whole township is uniformly applied**. It follows that<br />

increased delivery efficiency, proper billing procedures and accessible<br />

payment points are essential.<br />

Prepayment (as already undertaken for electricity), is a possibility. See, Simes, C.E., Lings. R.J. and<br />

Tshivhase, T., 1994. Prepayment water metering for South Africa, WRC Report No. KV 56/94, Water<br />

Research Commission, Pretoria, 26 p.<br />

A popular (although alarming) overview <strong>of</strong> the extent <strong>of</strong> the services debt <strong>of</strong> many black townships<br />

in South Africa, and possible consequences, is the following: Brink, A., 1994. The freebie timebomb,<br />

You. No. 376, 29 December 1994, p. 80 - 81. It is to be sincerely hoped that the Masakhane<br />

campaign (discussed later in the chapter) is successful. See also, Rogerson, C.M., 1996. Willingness<br />

to pay for water: the international debates, Water SA, VOL 22(4), p. 373 - 380.

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