siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 103 To recorcl this matter accurately, the Choctaws gradually ceased to use these sticks some 30 years ago, when they began to become familiar with the white man's division of time into days and weeks.*' Since that time it is sufficient to notify the parties by merely sending word as to the day and week in wliich the cry is to take place. The great day at last arrives. During the afternoon the Choctaws from far and near begin to make their appearance upon the camping ground, which is generally a hundred yards, more or less, from the grave. As they arrive upon the ground, each one, v.ithout greeting anybody, and looking neither to the right nor to the left, walks straight to the grave, there covers his head with a shawl or blanket, kneels down, and indulges in the prescribed cry. Having discharged this duty to the dead, he returns to tht^ camping ground, fixes himself and family comfortably in camp, and then holds himself in readiness for the coming events. The two headmen make their camp fires opposite each other, about 50 feet apart. As the afternoon begins to draw to a close the hunters bring forward their barbecued venison and deposit it on the ground between the fires of the headmen. Some families have brought with them for the common feast large kettles full of hominy. These, too, are brought forward and placed on the ground along with the venison. As night begins to close upon the scene the camp fires are lighted up afresh and the two headmen hold a consultation. They make an estimate of the numbers of their respective iksa present and proportion the food accordingly. The rigid law of Choctaw etiquette at an Indian cry requires that the two iksa must eat separate and distinct from each other. This is a sacred and inviolable law. The venison and hominy are now carried to the various iksa groups, as they are scattered around over the ground. No group is neglected. In the distribution of the food it is customary to give to all the contributors of hominy a small quantity of venison for their private use, which they can carry home with them. Tliis is intended as a remuneration for their contribution of hominy for the public use. When all the venison and hominy have been distriimted each headman delivers an oration to his iksa, these orations being the prelude to the coming big feast. The ora- tors are sometimes excessively tedious and prolix, and the hungry auditors become very impatient under the long-winded speeches. The speeches finally come to a close, and without any more ndo the solid work of eating begins. Every Choctaw—male and female, big and little, old and young, mourners and all—now feast to their hearts' content. It is best here to state that the iksa separation in public feasting passed away many years ago, the extinction of the deer and other causes having rendered it impracticable. The two iksa at a cry nowadays eat promiscuously at one long table, for the table has super- seded the old method of eating in groups on the ground. The speeches of the orators prior to the feast, however, still continue to be the fashion. After having regaled themselves to satiety, the crowd scatter over the ground. The men, women and children gather around the various camp fires, and every one passes the time in tlie best manner to suit himself. It is a very social occasion, and there is very little sleep in the camp that night. The men talk, smoke, chew tobacco, or it may be, some engage in the game of "naki luma," "hidden bullet." °^ The women gossip; whilst the children and the numerous dogs contribute their share to the noise and hilarity of the occasion. After about an hour of general sociability, the young men and the young women assemble at the " ahihla," " the dancing ground," a plot of ground about a hundred yards off, which has been previously prepared for this purpose. Here six different kinds of dances are danced in succession, which, being very «» Halbert's paper was published in 1900. " See pp. 158-159.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 193 long, take up the greater part of the uight. These dances are very complicated and almost incomprehensible to a white person. The first dance is " nakni hihla," " the men's dance," which the men alone dance. This dance over, the young women are now masters of the situation. Each woman selects her own man as her partner for the five coming dances. The man selected cannot back out, but must dance with his partner as long as she chooses to dance, no matter how weary he niay become. If the woman herself should finally become weary of dancing, she simply says to her partner, " kil issa," " let us quit," whereupon both withdraw and neither dances any more that night. The second dance is " shatanih hihla," " the tick dance." The third, " nita hihla," " the bear dance." The fourth, " yahyachi hihla," " the trotter's dance." The fifth, " ittisanali hihla," " the dance of those that oppose each other." The sixth, " ittihalanli hihla," " the dance of those that hold each other," which dance, after many evolutions, comes to an end by both sexes standing in two lines facing each other, both hands of the men holding the two first fingers of the women's two hands. Sometimes one of these dances is repeated. It is indispensable that they all be finished before daybreak, for at daybreak there must be a short period—about fifteen or twenty minutes—of quietness in the camp. There is a song sung with every dance, occasionally one of these songs being composed on the spot. On a bright moonlight night these dances with their various evolutions have a wonderful fascination to the on-looking white man. The plumes, the sashes and silver bands of the men, the gaudy dresses, the beads, the gorgets and other silver ornaments of the women, the graceful movements of the dancers, the strange, wild Choctaw songs, all unite to make some of the unique attractions of savage life. About two hours before day, whilst the dancing of the young people is still under full swing, a short cry is made by the mourners. Some one of them, be it man or woman, sitting by a camp fire, suddenly lifts up his voice in a wailing sound. The other mourners approach him, group them- selves around him, cover their heads with their blankets, and for about ten minutes the mourners give vent to cries of wailing and lamentation. It is now broad daylight. Suddenly the loud voices of the two headmen are heard telling their people that the time is now at hand for the last cry over the dead. The headmen have already appointed the six pole-pullers, three from each iksa. The pole-pullers may be the same men as the pole-planters, or they may be entirely new appointees. All, men, women and children, now repair to the grave. The pole-pullers stand, each one near his pole, three from one iksa on one side of the grave, the other three on the other side. AH, except the headmen and the pole-pullers, with covered heads, now kneel upon the ground and for a long time the sound of lamentation and weeping and great mourning goes up to high heaven. The crowd may be very great, so that for some distance around the grave the ground is covered with the kneeling forms of the mourning Indians. Many are the exclamations and expressions of grief, especially fi-om the women. It is an affecting scene ; for, even though much of the lamentation on the part of some may be a matter of form, still, with the immediate family, the near kindred and the intimate friends of the dead it is a manifestation of genuine and heartfelt sorrow. After a while, the headman of the iksa opposite to that of the deceased begins his funeral oration, in which he expatiates upon the virtues of their departed friend. The oration is usually short. When the speaker comes to a close, he and his brother headman lift up their voices and utter what is called " tashka paiya," " the warrior's call," consisting of the four following exclamations : " Yo, hyu, hyu, hyu," to which the pole-pullers respond with " ho-ee, ho-ee, ho-ee, ho-ee," as noticed, " ho-ee " being said four times. The headmen again utter their exclamations just as at first, and again
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SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 193<br />
long, take up the greater part of the uight. These dances are very complicated<br />
and almost incomprehensible to a white person. The first dance is " nakni<br />
hihla," " the men's dance," which the men alone dance. This dance over, the<br />
young women are now masters of the situation. Each woman selects her own<br />
man as her partner for the five coming dances. The man selected cannot back<br />
out, but must dance with his partner as long as she chooses to dance, no matter<br />
how weary he niay become. If the woman herself should finally become weary<br />
of dancing, she simply says to her partner, " kil issa," " let us quit," whereupon<br />
both withdraw and neither dances any more that night. The second dance is<br />
" shatanih hihla," " the tick dance." The third, " nita hihla," " the bear dance."<br />
The fourth, " yahyachi hihla," " the trotter's dance." The fifth, " ittisanali<br />
hihla," " the dance of those that oppose each other." The sixth, " ittihalanli<br />
hihla," " the dance of those that hold each other," which dance, after many<br />
evolutions, comes to an end by both sexes standing in two lines facing each<br />
other, both hands of the men holding the two first fingers of the women's two<br />
hands. Sometimes one of these dances is repeated. It is indispensable that<br />
they all be finished before daybreak, for at daybreak there must be a short<br />
period—about fifteen or twenty minutes—of quietness in the camp. There is a<br />
song sung with every dance, occasionally one of these songs being composed on<br />
the spot. On a bright moonlight night these dances with their various<br />
evolutions have a wonderful fascination to the on-looking white man. The<br />
plumes, the sashes and silver bands of the men, the gaudy dresses, the beads,<br />
the gorgets and other silver ornaments of the women, the graceful movements<br />
of the dancers, the strange, wild Choctaw songs, all unite to make some of the<br />
unique attractions of savage life.<br />
About two hours before day, whilst the dancing of the young people is<br />
still under full swing, a short cry is made by the mourners. Some<br />
one of them, be it man or woman, sitting by a camp fire, suddenly lifts up his<br />
voice in a wailing sound. The other mourners approach him, group them-<br />
selves around him, cover their heads with their blankets, and for about ten<br />
minutes the mourners give vent to cries of wailing and lamentation.<br />
It is now broad daylight. Suddenly the loud voices of the two headmen are<br />
heard telling their people that the time is now at hand for the last cry over<br />
the dead. The headmen have already appointed the six pole-pullers, three from<br />
each iksa. The pole-pullers may be the same men as the pole-planters, or they<br />
may be entirely new appointees. All, men, women and children, now repair to<br />
the grave. The pole-pullers stand, each one near his pole, three from one iksa<br />
on one side of the grave, the other three on the other side. AH, except the<br />
headmen and the pole-pullers, with covered heads, now kneel upon the ground<br />
and for a long time the sound of lamentation and weeping and great mourning<br />
goes up to high heaven. The crowd may be very great, so that for some distance<br />
around the grave the ground is covered with the kneeling forms of the mourning<br />
Indians. Many are the exclamations and expressions of grief, especially fi-om<br />
the women. It is an affecting scene ; for, even though much of the lamentation<br />
on the part of some may be a matter of form, still, with the immediate family,<br />
the near kindred and the intimate friends of the dead it is a manifestation of<br />
genuine and heartfelt sorrow. After a while, the headman of the iksa opposite<br />
to that of the deceased begins his funeral oration, in which he expatiates upon<br />
the virtues of their departed friend. The oration is usually short. When the<br />
speaker comes to a close, he and his brother headman lift up their voices and<br />
utter what is called " tashka paiya," " the warrior's call," consisting of the<br />
four following exclamations : " Yo, hyu, hyu, hyu," to which the pole-pullers<br />
respond with " ho-ee, ho-ee, ho-ee, ho-ee," as noticed, " ho-ee " being said four<br />
times. The headmen again utter their exclamations just as at first, and again