siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN' ETHNOLOGY [Bdll.103 allowed to marry a girl who belonged to his oyla, often the women were obliged to make a long journey before seeing the two chiefs, whose villages were frequently a considerable distance apart. After all necessary arrangements had been made, a day was fixed for the ceremony. Many of the man's friends and relatives accompanied him to the girl's village, where they seem to have had what may be termed " headquarters " of their own. As the time for the ceremony drew near, the woman with her friends was seen some distance away. The man and his party approached and he endeavored to catch the girl. Then ensued much sham fighting and wrestling between the two parties, and the girl ran about apparently endeavoring to escape, but she was finally caught by the man and his relatives and friends. Then all proceeded to the place where the feast had been prepared, to which both parties had contributed. Off to one side, four seats had been arranged in a row; usually a log covered with skins served the purpose. The man and girl then took the middle seats and on the ends sat the two male heads or chiefs of their respective ogla. Certain questions were then asked by the chiefs, and if all answers were satisfactory, the man and girl agreed to live together as man and wife and were i)ermitted to do so. This closed the ceremony and then the feasting and dancing began. The man continued to live in his wife's village, and their children belonged to her ogla. By mutual agreement the two parties could separate and, in the event of so doing, were at liberty to marry again. The man usually returned to his own village, taking all his property with him. If a man died in his wife's village, even though he left children, his brothers or other members of his ogla immediately took possession of all his property and carried it back to his native village. His children, being looked on as members of another ogla, since they belonged to their mother's family, were not considered as entitled to any of this property." The following descriptions of the marriage ceremony were given me by two of the best-informed men of the Mississippi Choctaw. Olmon Comby stated that courting among the young people took place principally during the dances, such dances being held when the community happened to be together and there was plenty of food. If a youth's advances were accepted, he carried the product of his next hunt to the girl's mother and by that they knew that he wanted to marry her. Very soon his father would question him on the sub- ject, and, having learned the girl's identity, his mother was dis- patched to the mother of the girl to obtain her consent. The latter would inquire whether her visitor's son was a good hunter, and, if she could truthfully say, " Yes, he is a great hunter," the reply was sure to be favorable and the wedding day was fixed. The youth then bought a piece of cloth, 75 or 80 feet long, which he gave to the girl's mother, and she cut it into smaller parts to distribute among her female relatives, indicating to each of them as she did so that she wished her to provide a certain kind of food for a feast to be given to her future son-in-law's kindred. " Bushnell in Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 26-27,
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL. LIFE 135 Before either party sat down to eat, the girl, at a given signal, started away on the run and the youth pursued her, she being as- sisted by her relatives and he by his. After she had been caught and brought back to the scene of the festivities, she was seated beside her intended husband, and his relatives brought quantities of cloth, ribbons, and similar things, as also various kinds of food, such as bread, beef, and pork, which was allowed to rest upon the girl's head for a minute and then gathered up by her uncle, who tied the cloth up in bundles. These presents cost perhaps $60 to $75, and by them the girl was " bound." Then each family feasted the other, the relatives of the girl eating first. That made them kindred and they shook hands. The girl's people now brought baskets, sacks, and other similar receptacles and her uncle distributed to them in succession the arti- cles provided by the groom. These had been placed in a pile and the distribution was made indifferently, beginning at the top, so that it was a matter of chance who received the best pieces. Finally the chief delivered a long address, directed mainly to the newly married couple, telling them that they must be faithful until death and take good care of each other when either was sick. The chief also extended his remarks to the other young people, warning them not to run away to marry, and, so that the world might stand a great deal longer, not to marry near relatives. If they married persons already connected by blood, they would not know how to name their relatives. Thus the same man would be called father- in-law and uncle, and they wanted the names to be applied to dif- ferent individuals. From Simpson Tubby I gathered the following information. The old people used to watch their children carefully, especially during the dances, to discover what attachments were springing up between them and prevent any taking root between those who were too closely related or whose associations were too distant or too diverse. That was the way in which they kept their children pure. Mention has been made already of the taboos against marriage within the iksa and the still older taboo against marriage within the moiety. It is also said that they would not allow those related within four degrees to marry, no matter to what iksa they belonged, and that fifth cousins might marry only if they could prove there was nobody more distantly related who would make a suitable partner. (Claiborne mentions the case of a Choctaw named Pah- lubbee who married his step-daughter but was widely censured in consequence.^*) ''* Claiborne, Miss., i, p. 521.
- Page 103 and 104: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 105 and 106: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 107 and 108: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 109 and 110: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 111 and 112: SwANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 113 and 114: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 115 and 116: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 117 and 118: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 119 and 120: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 121 and 122: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 123 and 124: S WANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL, AND CEREM
- Page 125 and 126: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 127 and 128: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 129 and 130: SwANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 131 and 132: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 133 and 134: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL, AND CEREMO
- Page 135 and 136: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 137 and 138: SwANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 139 and 140: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL, AND CEKEMO
- Page 141 and 142: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL. AND CEREMO
- Page 143 and 144: S WANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL. AND CEREM
- Page 145 and 146: S WANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL. AND CEREM
- Page 147 and 148: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMOI
- Page 149 and 150: S WANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMO
- Page 151 and 152: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 153: SwANTONj CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 157 and 158: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 159 and 160: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 161 and 162: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 163 and 164: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLET
- Page 165 and 166: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 167 and 168: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL, AND CEREMO
- Page 169 and 170: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 171 and 172: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AKD CEREMON
- Page 173 and 174: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 175 and 176: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 177 and 178: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 179 and 180: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEKEMON
- Page 181 and 182: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL, AND CEREMO
- Page 183 and 184: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 185 and 186: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL, AND CEREMO
- Page 187 and 188: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMON
- Page 189 and 190: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 191 and 192: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 193 and 194: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEKEMON
- Page 195 and 196: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 197 and 198: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 199 and 200: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 201 and 202: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
- Page 203 and 204: SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMON
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL. LIFE 135<br />
Before either party sat down to eat, the girl, at a given signal,<br />
started away on the run and the youth pursued her, she being as-<br />
sisted by her relatives and he by his. After she had been caught<br />
and brought back to the scene of the festivities, she was seated<br />
beside her intended husband, and his relatives brought quantities<br />
of cloth, ribbons, and similar things, as also various kinds of food,<br />
such as bread, beef, and pork, which was allowed to rest upon the<br />
girl's head for a minute and then gathered up by her uncle, who<br />
tied the cloth up in bundles. These presents cost perhaps $60 to $75,<br />
and by them the girl was " bound."<br />
Then each family feasted the other, the relatives of the girl eating<br />
first. That made them kindred and they shook hands.<br />
The girl's people now brought baskets, sacks, and other similar<br />
receptacles and her uncle distributed to them in succession the arti-<br />
cles provided by the groom. These had been placed in a pile and the<br />
distribution was made indifferently, beginning at the top, so that it<br />
was a matter of chance who received the best pieces.<br />
Finally the chief delivered a long address, directed mainly to the<br />
newly married couple, telling them that they must be faithful until<br />
death and take good care of each other when either was sick. The<br />
chief also extended his remarks to the other young people, warning<br />
them not to run away to marry, and, so that the world might stand<br />
a great deal longer, not to marry near relatives. If they married<br />
persons already connected by blood, they would not know how to<br />
name their relatives. Thus the same man would be called father-<br />
in-law and uncle, and they wanted the names to be applied to dif-<br />
ferent individuals.<br />
From Simpson Tubby I gathered the following information.<br />
The old people used to watch their children carefully, especially<br />
during the dances, to discover what attachments were springing up<br />
between them and prevent any taking root between those who were<br />
too closely related or whose associations were too distant or too<br />
diverse. That was the way in which they kept their children pure.<br />
Mention has been made already of the taboos against marriage<br />
within the iksa and the still older taboo against marriage within<br />
the moiety. It is also said that they would not allow those related<br />
within four degrees to marry, no matter to what iksa they belonged,<br />
and that fifth cousins might marry only if they could prove there<br />
was nobody more distantly related who would make a suitable<br />
partner. (Claiborne mentions the case of a Choctaw named Pah-<br />
lubbee who married his step-daughter but was widely censured in<br />
consequence.^*)<br />
''* Claiborne, Miss., i, p. 521.