siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
siOBX; - Smithsonian Institution
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134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN' ETHNOLOGY [Bdll.103<br />
allowed to marry a girl who belonged to his oyla, often the women were<br />
obliged to make a long journey before seeing the two chiefs, whose villages<br />
were frequently a considerable distance apart.<br />
After all necessary arrangements had been made, a day was fixed for the<br />
ceremony. Many of the man's friends and relatives accompanied him to the<br />
girl's village, where they seem to have had what may be termed " headquarters "<br />
of their own. As the time for the ceremony drew near, the woman with her<br />
friends was seen some distance away. The man and his party approached and<br />
he endeavored to catch the girl. Then ensued much sham fighting and wrestling<br />
between the two parties, and the girl ran about apparently endeavoring<br />
to escape, but she was finally caught by the man and his relatives and friends.<br />
Then all proceeded to the place where the feast had been prepared, to which<br />
both parties had contributed. Off to one side, four seats had been arranged in<br />
a row; usually a log covered with skins served the purpose. The man and<br />
girl then took the middle seats and on the ends sat the two male heads or<br />
chiefs of their respective ogla. Certain questions were then asked by the<br />
chiefs, and if all answers were satisfactory, the man and girl agreed to live<br />
together as man and wife and were i)ermitted to do so. This closed the ceremony<br />
and then the feasting and dancing began.<br />
The man continued to live in his wife's village, and their children belonged<br />
to her ogla.<br />
By mutual agreement the two parties could separate and, in the event of so<br />
doing, were at liberty to marry again. The man usually returned to his own<br />
village, taking all his property with him.<br />
If a man died in his wife's village, even though he left children, his brothers<br />
or other members of his ogla immediately took possession of all his property<br />
and carried it back to his native village. His children, being looked on as<br />
members of another ogla, since they belonged to their mother's family, were<br />
not considered as entitled to any of this property."<br />
The following descriptions of the marriage ceremony were given<br />
me by two of the best-informed men of the Mississippi Choctaw.<br />
Olmon Comby stated that courting among the young people took<br />
place principally during the dances, such dances being held when<br />
the community happened to be together and there was plenty of food.<br />
If a youth's advances were accepted, he carried the product of his<br />
next hunt to the girl's mother and by that they knew that he wanted<br />
to marry her. Very soon his father would question him on the sub-<br />
ject, and, having learned the girl's identity, his mother was dis-<br />
patched to the mother of the girl to obtain her consent. The latter<br />
would inquire whether her visitor's son was a good hunter, and,<br />
if she could truthfully say, " Yes, he is a great hunter," the reply<br />
was sure to be favorable and the wedding day was fixed.<br />
The youth then bought a piece of cloth, 75 or 80 feet long, which<br />
he gave to the girl's mother, and she cut it into smaller parts to<br />
distribute among her female relatives, indicating to each of them as<br />
she did so that she wished her to provide a certain kind of food for a<br />
feast to be given to her future son-in-law's kindred.<br />
" Bushnell in Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 26-27,