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132 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 103 couple meet at their respective houses or villages, and thence march towards each other. When they arrive near the marriage ground—generally an intermediate space between the two villages—they halt within about a hundred yards of each other. The brothers of the woman then go across to the opposite party and bring forward the man and seat him on a blanket spread upon the marriage ground. The man's sisters then do likewise by going over and bringing forward the woman and seating her by the side of the man. Sometimes, to funiish a little merriment for the occasion, the woman is expected to break loose and run. Of course she is pursued, captured and brought back. All parties now assemble around the expectant couple. A bag of bread is brought forward by the woman's relatives and deposited near her. In like manner the man's relatives bring forward a bag of meat and deposit it near him. These bags of provisions are lingering symbols of the primitive days when the man was the hunter to provide the household with game, and the woman was to raise corn for the bread and hominy. The man's friends and relatives now begin to throw presents upon the head and shoulders of the woman. These presents are of any kind that the donors choose to give, as articles of clothing, money, trinkets, ribbons, etc. As soon as thrown they are quickly snatched off by the woman's relatives and distributed among themselves. During all this time the couple sit very quietly and demurely, not a word spoken by either. When all the presents have been thrown and distributed, the couple, now man and wife, arise, the provisions from the bags are spread, and, just as in civilized life, the ceremony is rounded off with a festival. The festival over, the company disperse, and the gallant groom conducts his bride to his home, where they enter upon the toils and responsibilities of the future." The above account is based largely upon the following specific description of a wedding found among Mr. Halbert's notes The following account of a marriage in Jasper County, Mississippi, in August, 1891, of two Six Towns Indians, Oliver Chubbee and Susan Simpson, may be considered as describing a typical Choctaw marriage in the closing years of the nineteenth century. " The Indians in large numbers arrived on the ground the evening before the wedding day, and spent the night in their camps. The next morning, extensive preparations were made in the way of cooking the big dinner which was to follow immediately after the marriage ceremoney. The place was a kind of glade in the woods. Pots, kettles and pans were there in profusion and a number of Indian women were soon immersed in the culinary operations, preparing beef, bread, coffee, pudding and pie for the marriage feast. About eleven o'clock the long table was set, and it was announced that the marriage would now take place. Miss Susan then modestly made her appearance on the spot selected for the ceremony. A shawl was spread upon the ground, upon which she seated herself, and four men then took another shawl, and held it, one at each corner, over her head. ' Halbina, halbina ' (presents, presents) was the cry that now resounded on every side. Forthwith many came forward and threw their presents on the shawl upheld by the four men. These presents consisted of bundles of calico, ribbons and other female paraphernalia, and even some little money—whatever in fact the donors chose to give. The presents, however, were not for the bride, but for the female relatives. They were intended as a kind of remuneration to these relatives for their assistance in cooking the ''= H. S. Halbert, " Courtship and Marriage among the Choctaws of Mississippi," in the American Naturalist, vol. xvi, pp. 222-224. Philadelphia, 1882.

SwANTONj CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 133 marriage dinner. When all the presents had been deposited on the shawl, Miss Susan arose, walked off about fifty yards, where some of her female friends were assembled, and again seated herself. Here the presents were brought, taken possession of by some of the women and distributed among Miss Susan's female kinsfolk. At the same time that Miss Susan had seated herself on the shawl, and while the men were holding the other shawl over her head, Mr. Chubbee came within about twenty feet of her, spread a blanket on the ground and seated himself upon it, and quietly waited for the passive part he was to perform in giving a finality to the marriage ceremony. When Miss Susan rose from the ground, some half a dozen men, relatives of Chubbee, came forward and seated themselves in a line on his left. The male relatives [of the bride] now in succession, approached the patient bridegroom, addressing him by the title of relationship created by the marriage, and then delivered a short complimentary or congratulatory address. " When each had finished his talk to Chubbee, he then moved along the line, and shook hands with each one of Chubbee's seated kinsmen, calling him by the term of relationship created by the marriage, to which the kinsman responded simply by the assenting term Ma. For instance, A shook hands with B, and simply said Amoshi ma, (my uncle) to which B responded with Ma. The Choctaw terms of relationship and their application are very intricate and perplexing to a white man. The following is the very short congratulatory address of one of the old Indians, George Washington, to Oliver Chubbee, ' Nittak chashpo hokno sabaiyi chi ahanchi li beka tok akinli kia himak a° annumpa holitopa chi anochi lishke. Sayup chi ahanchi 11 hoke.' In former days I called you sabaiyi [my sister's son], but now I put a sacred name on you,—I call you sayup [my son-in-law]. Only two or three women came forward and spoke to the bridegroom and to him alone, for they paid no attention to the other men on the ground. To a subsequent inquiry made to George Washington as to the cause of so few women coming to give the bridegroom the term of relationship, the response was ' Ohoyo at takslii fehna,' Women are very modest. When the men had finished their little congratulatory talks to Chubbee, the marriage was complete, and bride and bridegroom were now one. Without any further ceremony dinner was now announced to which all hands forthwith repaired and did it full justice. As a general thing, after the feast comes the big dance which was omitted on this occasion. Generally too an old-fashioned Choctaw wedding takes place about sunset, after which comes the big feast and the night-long big dance. In another feature Chubbee's wedding differed from the usual old style, for commonly the couple sit side by side, and the wedding gifts are placed upon the head of the bride and are instantly snatched off by her kin. With the usual Indian impassiveness Chubbee did not go near or even look at his bride until all got ready to go home, which was about the middle of the afternoon." Following is Bushnell's account of the ceremonies known to the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb The marriage ceremony as performed until a few years ago, at a time when there were many Choctaw living in the region, was thus described by the women at Bayou Lacomb. When a man decided he wanted to marry a certain girl he confided in his mother, or if she was not living, in his nearest female relative. It was then necessary for her to talk with the mother or the nearest living relative of the girl, and if the two women agreed, they in turn visited the chiefs or heads of the two ogla, or families, to get their consent to the union. As a man was not

132 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 103<br />

couple meet at their respective houses or villages, and thence march towards<br />

each other. When they arrive near the marriage ground—generally an intermediate<br />

space between the two villages—they halt within about a hundred<br />

yards of each other. The brothers of the woman then go across to the opposite<br />

party and bring forward the man and seat him on a blanket spread upon the<br />

marriage ground. The man's sisters then do likewise by going over and bringing<br />

forward the woman and seating her by the side of the man. Sometimes,<br />

to funiish a little merriment for the occasion, the woman is expected to break<br />

loose and run. Of course she is pursued, captured and brought back. All<br />

parties now assemble around the expectant couple. A bag of bread is brought<br />

forward by the woman's relatives and deposited near her. In like manner<br />

the man's relatives bring forward a bag of meat and deposit it near him.<br />

These bags of provisions are lingering symbols of the primitive days when<br />

the man was the hunter to provide the household with game, and the woman<br />

was to raise corn for the bread and hominy. The man's friends and relatives<br />

now begin to throw presents upon the head and shoulders of the woman.<br />

These presents are of any kind that the donors choose to give, as articles<br />

of clothing, money, trinkets, ribbons, etc. As soon as thrown they are quickly<br />

snatched off by the woman's relatives and distributed among themselves.<br />

During all this time the couple sit very quietly and demurely, not a word<br />

spoken by either. When all the presents have been thrown and distributed, the<br />

couple, now man and wife, arise, the provisions from the bags are spread, and,<br />

just as in civilized life, the ceremony is rounded off with a festival. The<br />

festival over, the company disperse, and the gallant groom conducts his bride<br />

to his home, where they enter upon the toils and responsibilities of the<br />

future."<br />

The above account is based largely upon the following specific<br />

description of a wedding found among Mr. Halbert's notes<br />

The following account of a marriage in Jasper County, Mississippi, in August,<br />

1891, of two Six Towns Indians, Oliver Chubbee and Susan Simpson, may<br />

be considered as describing a typical Choctaw marriage in the closing years of<br />

the nineteenth century.<br />

" The Indians in large numbers arrived on the ground the evening before<br />

the wedding day, and spent the night in their camps. The next morning, extensive<br />

preparations were made in the way of cooking the big dinner which was<br />

to follow immediately after the marriage ceremoney. The place was a kind of<br />

glade in the woods. Pots, kettles and pans were there in profusion and a number<br />

of Indian women were soon immersed in the culinary operations, preparing<br />

beef, bread, coffee, pudding and pie for the marriage feast. About eleven<br />

o'clock the long table was set, and it was announced that the marriage would<br />

now take place. Miss Susan then modestly made her appearance on the spot<br />

selected for the ceremony. A shawl was spread upon the ground, upon which<br />

she seated herself, and four men then took another shawl, and held it, one at<br />

each corner, over her head. ' Halbina, halbina ' (presents, presents) was the cry<br />

that now resounded on every side. Forthwith many came forward and threw<br />

their presents on the shawl upheld by the four men. These presents consisted<br />

of bundles of calico, ribbons and other female paraphernalia, and even some<br />

little money—whatever in fact the donors chose to give. The presents, however,<br />

were not for the bride, but for the female relatives. They were intended<br />

as a kind of remuneration to these relatives for their assistance in cooking the<br />

''= H. S. Halbert, " Courtship and Marriage among the Choctaws of Mississippi," in the<br />

American Naturalist, vol. xvi, pp. 222-224. Philadelphia, 1882.

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