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130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 103 country, and the child [to be] killed. A committee was appointed to carry the decision into execution, yet felt reluctant to kill the child. In the meantime, the mother, hearing of the resolution passed by the council, hid the child, and when the committee arrived they failed to find it, and willingly reported that the Great Spirit had taken it away. The mother kept it concealed for several weeks, and then secretly brought it back one night, and told her friends the next morning that the Great Spirit had returned during the night with her child and placed it by her side as she slept. The committee had previously decided, however, that if ever the child returned it might live; but if it never came back, they then would know that the Great Spirit had taken it. The boy was ever afterwards regarded as being under the special care of the Great Spirit, and became a chief of their Nation. The law was repealed; the father re-called and adopted as one of the tribe ; and thus tlie custom of adopting the white man originated and has so continued from that day to this—so aflirms one of their ancient traditions, those Indian caskets filled with documents from the remote past, but which have long since passed into the region of accepted fables.*^ Interesting divergencies are shown in Claiborne's description of Choctaw courtship and marriage. I am not sure that his understanding of the ceremony is to be relied upon in all particulars Bah na-tubbe, an intelligent fellow, in the course of his examination, stated that it was usual for the woman, especially widows, to give " the first banter," viz: first advances. This is usually done at night, in the dance, by squeezing the hand or treading gently on the foot of the favored warrior. Perhaps this may be rather a necessity than a freedom ; because if a man should take these liberties with a squaw she would immediately resent it by attacking him with a stick, and every squaw present would assist her. Witness had seen twenty squaws thus beating a too ardent lover. These " banters " are often given by old women, invariably to very young men. Old women usually select a lazy fellow, who takes her for her house and her ponies. Witness had, when only eighteen, been taken by a woman of fifty, but he soon left her for a very young girl. When the " banter " is mutually agreeable the parties quietly slip' out of the crowd, and when they re-appear are considered man and wife. Courtship and marriage, however, are sometimes more formal. A young warrior who is in love applies to the maternal uncle—never to father or mother—and they agree on the price, which is paid to the uncle. On a certain day the groom and his relatives appear at an appointed place, dressed in their best, where they loiter till noon. The bride then leaves the lodge of her parents, and the friends on both sides gather about her. She watches an opportunity and flies to the adjacent woods, her attendants hovering' around to cover her retreat. She is pursued by the female relatives of the groom. If she is anxious for the match, it is not difficult to overtake her. But if she dislikes it, she runs until she falls exhausted, and sometimes escapes, and wanders away to a remote village, where she is adopted and cannot be re- claimed. If the fugitive is overtaken, she is brought back among the groomsman's friends, but he has disappeared. She sits down, and the friends on both sides throw some little presents in her lap. Each female relative ties a ribbon or some beads in her hair, and then the provisions brought by friends are divided among the company to be taken to their respective homes. The bride is then conducted to a little lodge adjoining her parents, and late at night her «9Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 373-374.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL. LIFE 131 lover finds his way to her arms. In the morning they have disappeared, and the fawn of the woods must be sought in the camp of her husband. The marriage endures only during the affection or inclination of the parties, and either may dissolve it at pleasure. This, of course, vei-y often occurs, in which case the children follow the mother; the father has no control over them whatever.'" His reference to polygamy is most illuminating. He says: This was tolerated by the Choctaws, but not universal. When a man had two wives, and died, each wife claimed to be the head of a separate family. They always occupied separate cabins, and generally ten or more miles apart. No instance came before us where a man had two wives in the same house, or even in the same yard or enclosure, unless they were sisters, and then they sometimes lived in the same yard, but in different houses. An amusing instance came before the commissioners, I-og-la [Imokla or Yukla?] presented her claim. The witness, Hi-a-ka [Haiaka] deposed that at the time of the treaty claimant was one of the wives of Tusk-a ma-ha [Tashka imataha], who had emigrated west. He had many wives. He made the circuit among them regularly, and thus passed his time. He neither hunted nor worked. He had ten wives, scattered round the country, fifteen or twenty miles apart, and he had his regular stands, going from one to the other, being well fed, and a favorite with all of them. He was a fellow of medium height, about five feet seven, well built, very muscular and active, lazy and fond of eating and drinking. He provided his own clothing—nothing more. He made his home at the house of Ho-pia-ske-tena [Hopaii iskitini], (Little Leader,) at the old town of Yocka-no-chick-ama [perhaps Yakni achukma, see p. 75]. Two years before the treaty he married claimant, but only visited her about tv^o days in every montli ; her house was one of the stands on his circuit ; he never worked for her or contributed to her support ; it was his custom to spend some time with every woman when he first took her, but the novelty soon wore off, and he went his usual round. Claimant had a house before slie married this man ; he finished it for her ; he had several wives before he met her, and took several afterwards. He threw none of them away. Witness never heard any complaint on the part of his wives of neglect on his part. But when he emigrated, he left them all." The next description of a wedding ceremony is from Halbert When a young Choctaw, of Kemper or Neshoba county, sees a maiden who pleases his fancy, he watches his opportunity until he finds her alone. He then approaches within a few yards of her and gently casts a pebble towards her, so that it may fall at her feet. He may have to do this two or three times before he attracts the maiden's attention. If this pebble throwing is agreeable, she soon makes it manifest; if otherwise, a scornful look and a decided " ekwah " indicate that his suit is in vain. Sometimes instead of throwing pebbles the suitor enters the woman's cabin and lays his hat or handkerchief on her bed. This action is interpreted as a desire on his part that she should be the sharer of his couch. If the man's suit is acceptable the woman permits the hat to remain ; but if she is unwilling to become his bride, it is removed instantly. The rejected suitor, in either method employed, knows that it is useless to press his suit and beats as graceful a retreat as possible. When a marriage is agreed upon, the lovers appoint a time and place for the ceremony. On the marriage day the friends and relatives of the prospective Claibourne, Miss., i, pp. 516-517. '^ Claiborne, Miss., i, p. 520.
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SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL. LIFE 131<br />
lover finds his way to her arms. In the morning they have disappeared, and<br />
the fawn of the woods must be sought in the camp of her husband.<br />
The marriage endures only during the affection or inclination of the parties,<br />
and either may dissolve it at pleasure. This, of course, vei-y often occurs,<br />
in which case the children follow the mother; the father has no control over<br />
them whatever.'"<br />
His reference to polygamy is most illuminating. He says:<br />
This was tolerated by the Choctaws, but not universal. When a man had<br />
two wives, and died, each wife claimed to be the head of a separate family.<br />
They always occupied separate cabins, and generally ten or more miles apart.<br />
No instance came before us where a man had two wives in the same house,<br />
or even in the same yard or enclosure, unless they were sisters, and then they<br />
sometimes lived in the same yard, but in different houses.<br />
An amusing instance came before the commissioners, I-og-la [Imokla or<br />
Yukla?] presented her claim. The witness, Hi-a-ka [Haiaka] deposed that at<br />
the time of the treaty claimant was one of the wives of Tusk-a ma-ha [Tashka<br />
imataha], who had emigrated west. He had many wives. He made the circuit<br />
among them regularly, and thus passed his time. He neither hunted nor<br />
worked. He had ten wives, scattered round the country, fifteen or twenty<br />
miles apart, and he had his regular stands, going from one to the other, being<br />
well fed, and a favorite with all of them. He was a fellow of medium height,<br />
about five feet seven, well built, very muscular and active, lazy and fond<br />
of eating and drinking. He provided his own clothing—nothing more. He<br />
made his home at the house of Ho-pia-ske-tena [Hopaii iskitini], (Little<br />
Leader,) at the old town of Yocka-no-chick-ama [perhaps Yakni achukma,<br />
see p. 75]. Two years before the treaty he married claimant, but only visited<br />
her about tv^o days in every montli ; her house was one of the stands on his<br />
circuit ; he never worked for her or contributed to her support ; it was his<br />
custom to spend some time with every woman when he first took her, but the<br />
novelty soon wore off, and he went his usual round. Claimant had a house<br />
before slie married this man ; he finished it for her ; he had several wives<br />
before he met her, and took several afterwards. He threw none of them<br />
away. Witness never heard any complaint on the part of his wives of neglect<br />
on his part. But when he emigrated, he left them all."<br />
The next description of a wedding ceremony is from Halbert<br />
When a young Choctaw, of Kemper or Neshoba county, sees a maiden who<br />
pleases his fancy, he watches his opportunity until he finds her alone. He<br />
then approaches within a few yards of her and gently casts a pebble towards<br />
her, so that it may fall at her feet. He may have to do this two or three<br />
times before he attracts the maiden's attention. If this pebble throwing is<br />
agreeable, she soon makes it manifest; if otherwise, a scornful look and a<br />
decided " ekwah " indicate that his suit is in vain. Sometimes instead of throwing<br />
pebbles the suitor enters the woman's cabin and lays his hat or handkerchief<br />
on her bed. This action is interpreted as a desire on his part that she should<br />
be the sharer of his couch. If the man's suit is acceptable the woman permits<br />
the hat to remain ; but if she is unwilling to become his bride, it is removed<br />
instantly. The rejected suitor, in either method employed, knows that it is<br />
useless to press his suit and beats as graceful a retreat as possible.<br />
When a marriage is agreed upon, the lovers appoint a time and place for<br />
the ceremony. On the marriage day the friends and relatives of the prospective<br />
Claibourne, Miss., i, pp. 516-517. '^ Claiborne, Miss., i, p. 520.