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86 BUEEAtr OP AMERICAlsr ETHNOLOGY tSoLL.lOS Iff o ? tSjq

SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMONIAL LIFE 87 NOTES In my diagrams illustrative of Chickasaw relationship terms ^^^ I gave the term pok nakni (or ipok nakni) as that applied by a woman to the husband of the mother's brother's daughter. This may have been stated by an informant but it is evident that it should be iyup, as in Choctaw and as Morgan has it. In my Chickasaw and Creek lists I have used the stem of each term of relationship, omitting the pronominal prefixes, but in the present lists I have decided to include them, all the more since it develops that the kind of prefix used varies with the term. Incidentally the stem of i°ki, father, should evidently have been given as °ki instead of Ivi. I assumed the " was the sign of the indirect object but the Creek form Iki shows that it belongs to the stem because there is a shift from 1 to n in Choctaw. The oldest brother was called itichapa, "the father's mate" (see p. 196), and would seem to be equivalent to the term "ancestor" in the loosest sensie in which Ave employ it. Imafo was also employed for the father's sister's husband and sometimes for the father's sister's daughter's husband. In Chickasaw ippokni is given to the father's sister herself and to her female descendants indefinitely, in which particular it is unlike Choctaw. It is true that a Choctaw woman does employ this term for her father's sister and sometimes for her father's sister's daughter, but a new term i°hukni is used by males and it sometimes extends to the father's sister's daughter. The next generation in either case becomes brothers and sisters. The words for father and mother were similarly extended to the brothers of the former and the sisters of the latter and we know from Morgan's tables that they extended to the father's father's brother's sons, the father's father's father's brother's son's sons, the mother's mother's sister's daughter, and the mother's mother's mother's sister's daughter's daughter. It is probable that they took in all of the men and women of the band, of the corresponding generation, and perhaps those of the moiety of the father and mother respectively. Moreover, the term for father had, as we have just seen, a still wider extension. It was applied to the mother's sister's husband, the father's sister's son, and sometimes to the husband of the father's sister's daughter, while the term for mother was given to the wives of these men. It is evident, however, that these other terms are derived from the usage of i"ki and ishki for own father and mother, because the other uses are often qualified by the diminutive, as i°kosi, ishkosi, or the word toba, " to make," " to become," and sometimes the postposition pila, " toward." '3a Forty-fourth Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. ]S6.

SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEEEMONIAL LIFE 87<br />

NOTES<br />

In my diagrams illustrative of Chickasaw relationship terms ^^^<br />

I gave the term pok nakni (or ipok nakni) as that applied by a<br />

woman to the husband of the mother's brother's daughter. This<br />

may have been stated by an informant but it is evident that it should<br />

be iyup, as in Choctaw and as Morgan has it. In my Chickasaw<br />

and Creek lists I have used the stem of each term of relationship,<br />

omitting the pronominal prefixes, but in the present lists I have<br />

decided to include them, all the more since it develops that the kind<br />

of prefix used varies with the term. Incidentally the stem of<br />

i°ki, father, should evidently have been given as °ki instead<br />

of Ivi. I assumed the " was the sign of the indirect object but<br />

the Creek form Iki shows that it belongs to the stem because<br />

there is a shift from 1 to n in Choctaw. The oldest brother<br />

was called itichapa, "the father's mate" (see p. 196), and would<br />

seem to be equivalent to the term "ancestor" in the loosest sensie<br />

in which Ave employ it. Imafo was also employed for the<br />

father's sister's husband and sometimes for the father's sister's<br />

daughter's husband. In Chickasaw ippokni is given to the father's<br />

sister herself and to her female descendants indefinitely, in which<br />

particular it is unlike Choctaw. It is true that a Choctaw woman<br />

does employ this term for her father's sister and sometimes for her<br />

father's sister's daughter, but a new term i°hukni is used by males<br />

and it sometimes extends to the father's sister's daughter. The next<br />

generation in either case becomes brothers and sisters. The words<br />

for father and mother were similarly extended to the brothers of the<br />

former and the sisters of the latter and we know from Morgan's<br />

tables that they extended to the father's father's brother's sons, the<br />

father's father's father's brother's son's sons, the mother's mother's<br />

sister's daughter, and the mother's mother's mother's sister's daughter's<br />

daughter. It is probable that they took in all of the men and<br />

women of the band, of the corresponding generation, and perhaps<br />

those of the moiety of the father and mother respectively. Moreover,<br />

the term for father had, as we have just seen, a still wider extension.<br />

It was applied to the mother's sister's husband, the father's sister's<br />

son, and sometimes to the husband of the father's sister's daughter,<br />

while the term for mother was given to the wives of these men. It is<br />

evident, however, that these other terms are derived from the usage<br />

of i"ki and ishki for own father and mother, because the other uses<br />

are often qualified by the diminutive, as i°kosi, ishkosi, or the word<br />

toba, " to make," " to become," and sometimes the postposition pila,<br />

" toward."<br />

'3a Forty-fourth Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. ]S6.

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