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helmets”. 35 Th ey brought relative peace along the line of disengagement, but not also the expected reintegration of the areas the administration of which had been turned over to the rebel Serbs by the JNA aft er its transformation into the Yugoslav Army in 1992 and withdrawal from Croatia. 36 Until late autumn in 1992 the Croatian Army was busy liberating the occupied territory in southern Croatia and defending Bosnian Posavina. No major actions were taken against the other occupied areas, with few exceptions - apparently against the will of the state leadership. 37 Indeed, aft er the withdrawal of the JNA and the organizational and structural changes in the Croatian Army, until January 1993 there was no operational plan regarding the commitment of armed forces in operations focused on Krajina; however, as of January 1992 the HV General Staff was engaged in drawing up plans for the liberation of the territory of the Republic of Croatia occupied by the JNA and rebel Serb forces, code-named aft er Croatian rivers. Th e military directive in the event that the peaceful reintegration of the occupied territory into the Republic of Croatia should fail was not drawn up until January 1993. 38 By the end of 1993 the Croatian Army engaged in two minor operations which earned it, notwithstanding certain military success, negative political points on the international political scene. Aft er the operation in the Zadar hinterland in January 1993, Croatia was accused of fomenting war, an accusation hitherto reserved for Serbia and the Serbs. 39 Th e response was similar aft er the operation in the Medak pocket in September 1993, and some international circles accused Croatia of aggression and of breaking the truce. 40 If Croatia’s extremely unfavourable position due to its involvement in the war between the Bosnian&Herzegovinian Croats and Bosniaks-Muslims in Bosna&Herzegovina is added to the picture, it is obvious why Croatia’s political position was far from being rosy. Th anks to the eff orts of the international community the Cease-Fire Agreement was signed in Zagreb between the representatives of the Republic of Croatia and of the rebel Serbs on 29 March 1994. It entered into force on 4 April and provided for the withdrawal of the belligerent troops at least one kilometre from the line of disengagement and the withdrawal of heavy weapons 10/20 km from that line. 41 Following the agreement, part of 35 Mario Nobilo, Hrvatski feniks: diplomatski procesi iza zatvorenih vrata, 1990-1997” (Th e Croatian Phoenix: Diplomatic Processes Behind Closed Doors, 1990-1997; Nakladni zavod Globus, Zagreb, 2000, 247- 260. 36 D. Marijan, «Smrt oklopne brigade» (Death of the Armoured Brigade), 24-25. 37 Specifi cally, Nos Kalik, Baranja and the Miljevac Plateau. See Davor Marijan in Zdenko Radelić, Davor Marijan, Nikica Barić, Albert Bing and Dražen Živić, “Stvaranje hrvatske države i Domovinski rat” (Th e Creation of the Croatian State and the Homeland War), Školska knjiga, Hrvatski institut za povijest, Zagreb, 2006, 150-151. 38 Central Military Archives, General Staff holdings (hereinaft er SVA MORH, GSHV): GSHV, cl. 8/93-02/04, reg. no. 512-06-93-7 of 15 January 1993. Directive. 39 «Ujedinjeni narodi: Rezolucije o Republici Hrvatskoj, UNPROFOR» (Th e United Nations: Resolutions on the Republic of Croatia, UNPROFOR); Pan liber, Osijek, 1995, 85. Cf. F. Tuđman, «Hrvatska riječ svijetu: razgovori sa stranim predstavnicima» (Croatia’s Word to the World: Talks with Foreign Representatives), 243-248. 40 M. Granić, “Vanjski poslovi: Iza kulisa politike” (Foreign Aff airs: Behind the Scenes of Politics), 83-84. 41 “Kronologija rata 1989-1998” (Chronology of the War 1989-1998); Hrvatski informativni centar, Zagreb, 1998, 360. 48
the Croatian reserve troops was demobilized, and military activities abated throughout the Croatian theatre of war. 42 Th e eff orts of the Republic of Croatia focused on resolving the problem of the Serbian rebellion were transferred to the diplomatic fi eld. On 31 March and 30 September 1994 the UN Security Council extended the UNPROFOR mandate by six months. 43 Croatia was not satisfi ed with UNPROFOR’s effi ciency, and between 1 July and 16 August 1994 displaced persons organized road blocks in order to pressure UNPROFOR and draw the attention of the international public to the ineffi ciency of the “blue helmets”. 44 Th e position of the RSK deteriorated owing to the confl ict between Belgrade and Pale because the Bosnian&Herzegovinian Serbs refused to sign the Contact Group peace plan for Bosnia&Herzegovina, aft er which Belgrade imposed on 4 August 1994 political and economic sanctions which also aff ected the Krajina Serbs. 45 In mid-September 1994 the US Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia Peter Galbraith proposed to the President of the Republic of Croatia a plan, later on called Plan Z4, according to which the autonomous districts of Glina and Knin would have certain elements of statehood, but would be reintegrated together with other occupied areas into Croatia. Th e acceptance of the plan would be equal to political suicide, as F. Tuđman was clearly aware, according to the testimony of one of his close associates. 46 However, regardless of whether he was equal to his function, Galbraith was the representative of a global power and his view had to be appreciated. 47 All the same, on 30 January 1995 F. Tuđman received the draft plan from the representatives of the international community and declared that the Croatian side would consider it. He also noted that he had serious objections to the plan, in particular because “the issue was defi ned as a controversy between two equal sides, while it actually involved an issue regarding a minority in a national state, and even not the entire minority but only a smaller part of it”. 48 However, the RSK leadership turned the plan down; actually, because it insistently pursued the policy of annexation of the RSK to the “Greater Serbia”, it even refused to consider it although the plan off ered the rebel Serbs in Croatia an extraordinarily great autonomy, almost a “state within a state”. Th e possibility of sustaining negotiations about the plan existed until the moment when conditions again brought the military option to the fore. Th e commitment of the Army of B&H and the Croatian Defence Council at Bihać and Kupres opened up the need for the engagement of Croatian forces, and aft er a six-month 42 Command of the Zagreb Corps District, cl. str. conf. 8p/94-02/87, reg. no. 1075-11/01-94-3 of 16 March 1994. Order for the demobilization of units and parts of HV units of the Zagreb Corps District. 43 «Ujedinjeni narodi: Rezolucije o Republici Hrvatskoj, UNPROFOR» (Th e United Nations: Resolutions on the Republic of Croatia, UNPROFOR), 57-63. 44 “Hronologija rata” (Chronology of the War),. 387, 400. 45 “Hronologija događaja na prostoru prethodne Jugoslavije 1990-1995” (Chronology of Developments in the Previous Yugoslavia 1990-1995); Glas srpski - Centar za geostrateška istraživanja Univerziteta u Banja Luci, Banja Luka, 2002, 176. 46 H. Šarinić, «Svi moji tajni pregovori sa Slobodanom Miloševićem, 1993-95/98» (All My Secret Negotiations with Slobodan Milošević, 1993-95/98), 153-161. 47 Ibid., 268. 48 Ibid., 209-210. Date of meeting in “Kronologija rata” (Chronology of the War), 448. 49
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- Page 40 and 41: y infl uential Croatian politicians
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the Croatian reserve troops was demobilized, and military activities abated throughout<br />
the Croatian theatre of war. 42 Th e eff orts of the Republic of Croatia focused on resolving<br />
the problem of the Serbian rebellion were transferred to the diplomatic fi eld. On 31 March<br />
and 30 September 1994 the UN Security Council extended the UNPROFOR mandate<br />
by six months. 43 Croatia was not satisfi ed with UNPROFOR’s effi ciency, and between 1<br />
July and 16 August 1994 displaced persons organized road blocks in order to pressure<br />
UNPROFOR and draw the attention of the international public to the ineffi ciency of<br />
the “blue helmets”. 44 Th e position of the RSK deteriorated owing to the confl ict between<br />
Belgrade and Pale because the Bosnian&Herzegovinian Serbs refused to sign the Contact<br />
Group peace plan for Bosnia&Herzegovina, aft er which Belgrade imposed on 4 August<br />
1994 political and economic sanctions which also aff ected the Krajina Serbs. 45<br />
In mid-September 1994 the US Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia Peter Galbraith<br />
proposed to the President of the Republic of Croatia a plan, later on called Plan Z4,<br />
according to which the autonomous districts of Glina and Knin would have certain<br />
elements of statehood, but would be reintegrated together with other occupied areas<br />
into Croatia. Th e acceptance of the plan would be equal to political suicide, as F. Tuđman<br />
was clearly aware, according to the testimony of one of his close associates. 46 However,<br />
regardless of whether he was equal to his function, Galbraith was the representative of<br />
a global power and his view had to be appreciated. 47 All the same, on 30 January 1995 F.<br />
Tuđman received the draft plan from the representatives of the international community<br />
and declared that the Croatian side would consider it. He also noted that he had serious<br />
objections to the plan, in particular because “the issue was defi ned as a controversy<br />
between two equal sides, while it actually involved an issue regarding a minority in a<br />
national state, and even not the entire minority but only a smaller part of it”. 48 However,<br />
the RSK leadership turned the plan down; actually, because it insistently pursued the<br />
policy of annexation of the RSK to the “Greater Serbia”, it even refused to consider it<br />
although the plan off ered the rebel Serbs in Croatia an extraordinarily great autonomy,<br />
almost a “state within a state”. Th e possibility of sustaining negotiations about the plan<br />
existed until the moment when conditions again brought the military option to the fore.<br />
Th e commitment of the Army of B&H and the Croatian Defence Council at Bihać and<br />
Kupres opened up the need for the engagement of Croatian forces, and aft er a six-month<br />
42 Command of the Zagreb Corps District, cl. str. conf. 8p/94-02/87, reg. no. 1075-11/01-94-3 of 16 March<br />
1994. Order for the demobilization of units and parts of HV units of the Zagreb Corps District.<br />
43 «Ujedinjeni narodi: Rezolucije o Republici Hrvatskoj, UNPROFOR» (Th e United Nations: Resolutions on<br />
the Republic of Croatia, UNPROFOR), 57-63.<br />
44 “Hronologija rata” (Chronology of the War),. 387, 400.<br />
45 “Hronologija događaja na prostoru prethodne Jugoslavije 1990-1995” (Chronology of Developments in<br />
the Previous Yugoslavia 1990-1995); Glas srpski - Centar za geostrateška istraživanja Univerziteta u Banja<br />
Luci, Banja Luka, 2002, 176.<br />
46 H. Šarinić, «Svi moji tajni pregovori sa Slobodanom Miloševićem, 1993-95/98» (All My Secret Negotiations<br />
with Slobodan Milošević, 1993-95/98), 153-161.<br />
47 Ibid., 268.<br />
48 Ibid., 209-210. Date of meeting in “Kronologija rata” (Chronology of the War), 448.<br />
49