storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ...
storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ... storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ...
And you went to Knin? Yes, we came to Knin and I presented the plan. Th ey took us to the fortress, and they had lambs roasting on the spit there. Peter and I thought it was an encouraging sign. As we had agreed, I spoke Serbian and avoided Croatian terms. And, when I said, at the end of my presentation, “when you look at this plan...”, and pushed the plan towards Martić, 94 everybody appeared to be shocked. As silence fell, Martić briefl y said: “We will not look at this”. He pushed the document away from him. Unpleasant stillness followed. I changed my tone and began to threaten them openly. I told them that everything would end “very poorly for them, the leadership, and for Krajina”, if they did not take look at the plan. I even told them that I did not care for them personally and added that they should at least think of the people they had led. Th ey still refused. Th e meeting became pointless, and we left . I approached Martić and said:” You have now signed the death sentence for Krajina and Serbian presence in the area. You shall be held responsible for that, and you can be sure that Russia will take care of that”. But he would not budge. Th en a member of their leadership approached me - I am not going to mention his name yet - and said: ”Milošević ordered us to do so.” I immediately realized that he had done it because of Kosovo, that is, because of the implementation of a similar plan in Kosovo. Today the Serbs are losing Kosovo, and they missed the change of getting autonomy in Croatia. Vlado Vurušić, “Russia was on Croatia’s side”, Jutarnji list, Zagreb. 17 February 2007, 34-35 358 3 2003, 25 June Testimony of Peter Galbraith on the Serbian rejection of “Plan Z-4” at the trial of Slobodan Milošević Prosecutor Nice: I turn now to the Z-4 process, something of which the Chamber has heard from a couple of witnesses, substantially from the witness Babić. Th is was a process, “Z” for “Zagreb,” and involving the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations. It lasted from when and until when? Galbraith: From March 23rd, 1994, until Operation Storm, August 4th, 1995. Prosecutor Nice: Th e overall intended structure of the process? Galbraith: It was a three-stage process that began with the negotiation of a ceasefi re in Croatia between the Serbs - a Serb-held part of the country and the government-held 94 Milan, president of the «RSK»
part of the country. Th at was followed by economic and confi dence-building negotiations And then the third stage was to be a political settlement within Croatia. Prosecutor Nice: How far did the process get? Galbraith: We were able to negotiate a ceasefi re agreement in the early hours of the 30th of March. We were, aft er much delay, able to achieve an economic and confi dencebuilding agreement on the 2nd of December, 1994, which however was only partially implemented. And we were unable to present the political plan and to initiate serious negotiations on a political settlement. Prosecutor Nice: I’ll turn to your overall assessment of the participants in a few minutes’ time. But at this stage, what was Martić’s revealed enthusiasm for the process? Galbraith: He was, I think, supportive of the ceasefi re and, I think, extremely reluctant about any kind of economic and confi dence-building measures, and opposed to any kind of political settlement. Prosecutor Nice: In your judgement, was his approach the result of his own independent judgement or was he guided or driven from elsewhere? Galbraith: I think he was heavily infl uenced by the defendant. Prosecutor Nice: Th e accused’s attitude towards the Z-4 process and in particular towards the economic and confi dence-building measures, was that revealed to you? If so, when and how? Galbraith: Th e accused was actively involved in discussions on the economic and confi dence-building measures, not ones - I hasten to add - that I was involved in but that Lord Owen and that Th orvald Stoltenberg were involved in. He off ered a number of positions, notably trying to avoid any kind of Croatian control of the borders between Serbia and Eastern Slavonia or between the Krajina and Bosnian Serb territory. Th at was one of his primary concerns. And in the end, he went along with the conclusion of this agreement, which is why it actually happened. Prosecutor Nice: Babić, did you meet Babić at all in 1994? Galbraith: I did not. Prosecutor Nice: Did you learn of his attitude to or reaction towards the Z-4 process or not? Galbraith: I did. I fi rst met him on the 23rd of January, 1995... Prosecutor Nice: Forgive my interrupting you. Did you learn anything about his reaction in the course of 1994? Galbraith: Well, yes. He was a leader in the RSK parliament, leader of the largest political party, and actually he was oft en opposed to the economic and confi dence-building measures. I think he saw it as a useful political club against Martić. 359
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part of the country. Th at was followed by economic and confi dence-building negotiations<br />
And then the third stage was to be a political settlement within Croatia.<br />
Prosecutor Nice: How far did the process get?<br />
Galbraith: We were able to negotiate a ceasefi re agreement in the early hours of the<br />
30th of March. We were, aft er much delay, able to achieve an economic and confi dencebuilding<br />
agreement on the 2nd of December, 1994, which however was only partially<br />
implemented. And we were unable to present the political plan and to initiate serious<br />
negotiations on a political settlement.<br />
Prosecutor Nice: I’ll turn to your overall assessment of the participants in a few minutes’<br />
time. But at this stage, what was Martić’s revealed enthusiasm for the process?<br />
Galbraith: He was, I think, supportive of the ceasefi re and, I think, extremely reluctant<br />
about any kind of economic and confi dence-building measures, and opposed to any<br />
kind of political settlement.<br />
Prosecutor Nice: In your judgement, was his approach the result of his own independent<br />
judgement or was he guided or driven from elsewhere?<br />
Galbraith: I think he was heavily infl uenced by the defendant.<br />
Prosecutor Nice: Th e accused’s attitude towards the Z-4 process and in particular<br />
towards the economic and confi dence-building measures, was that revealed to you? If<br />
so, when and how?<br />
Galbraith: Th e accused was actively involved in discussions on the economic and<br />
confi dence-building measures, not ones - I hasten to add - that I was involved in but<br />
that Lord Owen and that Th orvald Stoltenberg were involved in. He off ered a number of<br />
positions, notably trying to avoid any kind of Croatian control of the borders between<br />
Serbia and Eastern Slavonia or between the Krajina and Bosnian Serb territory. Th at was<br />
one of his primary concerns. And in the end, he went along with the conclusion of this<br />
agreement, which is why it actually happened.<br />
Prosecutor Nice: Babić, did you meet Babić at all in 1994?<br />
Galbraith: I did not.<br />
Prosecutor Nice: Did you learn of his attitude to or reaction towards the Z-4 process or<br />
not?<br />
Galbraith: I did. I fi rst met him on the 23rd of January, 1995...<br />
Prosecutor Nice: Forgive my interrupting you. Did you learn anything about his reaction<br />
in the course of 1994?<br />
Galbraith: Well, yes. He was a leader in the RSK parliament, leader of the largest political<br />
party, and actually he was oft en opposed to the economic and confi dence-building<br />
measures. I think he saw it as a useful political club against Martić.<br />
359
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