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storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ...

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people responsible for the defence of the so-called RSK. Specifi cally, already in early<br />

1995 the draft of the new “RSK Defence Plan” indicated “that at present it would not<br />

be realistically possible to plan the commitment, in the case of an attack on the RSK,<br />

of either VJ or VRS units” (see Appendix 1, document 18). Similarly, the Serbian press<br />

reported already in July 1995 that SR Yugoslavia, under the pressure of international<br />

economic sanctions, was not longer capable of helping the Serbs across the Drina either<br />

economically or militarily, and that precisely international sanctions had forced Slobodan<br />

Milošević to try to change his past policies by off ering his good services as a peace broker<br />

in the Balkans. Th us, in his interview to Th e Times Milošević claimed that Yugoslavia,<br />

if the sanctions were abolished, would bring the Bosnian Serbs to the negotiating table<br />

and added that “he would bring reasonable peace to that part of the country within six<br />

months” (“Poruka iz Srbije”/Message from Serbia/; Nin; 2327, 14 July 1995, pp. 13-14).<br />

Th erefore, it seems that open intervention in Croatia was not acceptable for Milošević<br />

because it would have directly jeopardized his negotiating status and possible lift ing<br />

of sanctions against Yugoslavia. In spite of that, however, Yugoslavia seems to have<br />

promised military help and diplomatic pressure on Croatia to the Krajina leadership.<br />

Specifi cally, Momir Bulatović, then member of the Yugoslav Supreme Defence Council,<br />

claimed that the Supreme Council had sent a telegram - from its extraordinary session<br />

held on 4 August 1995 in the command post at Dobanovci near Belgrade - to General<br />

Mrkšić encouraging him to keep organizing stiff resistance for at least another two days,<br />

aft er which Yugoslavia would be capable of helping him with all available resources (M.<br />

Bulatović, Pravila ćutanja: istiniti politički triler sa poznatim završetkom/Th e Silence<br />

Rules: A True Political Th riller with a Known Ending/; Belgrade, 2004, pp. 181-182; “Rat u<br />

Hrvatskoj 1991-1995”/War in Croatia 1991-1995/; www.centerforhistory.net). Mention<br />

is also made of Milošević’s telephone message to Martić, on the fi rst day of Storm,<br />

“to hold out for fi ve to six days, in order to leave Belgrade scope for action” (Milisav<br />

Sekulić, Knin je pao u Beogradu/Knin Fell in Belgrade/; Bad Vilbel, 2001; 178). Th is is<br />

also supported by the statement of Goran Hadžić, former “RSK” prime minister, aft er<br />

Storm; along with his faith in the survival of the “RSK” in Slavonia and Srijem and the<br />

message that he would never accept the fact that “Krajina” was gone, he answered to the<br />

question on a possible attack of the Croatian Army: I am certain that Serbia will help<br />

this part of Krajina and I have sure indications for that, but I cannot disclose them to the<br />

press at present. I am sure it would have helped that part of Krajina as well if it had put<br />

up at least some resistance(“Srbija će pomoći”/Serbia Will Help/; Nin; 2329, 18 August<br />

1995; pp. 17-19). Milan Milanović, “assistant RSK defence minister”, also spoke about<br />

the organizational capacity and readiness of the remaining “RSK” army to defend itself,<br />

noted that it would expect help from Yugoslavia if it were attacked by a bigger force, and<br />

added that no plans or actions were done without the agreement of Belgrade (“Svi se<br />

boje Srbije”/Everybody is Afraid of Serbia/; Intervju; 22 September 1995; pp. 6-7).<br />

Denying the allegations in the Serbian press about the poor military preparation and<br />

lack of fi nancial support to the SVK, Borislav Mikelić indirectly confi rmed Yugoslavia’s<br />

24

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