storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ...

storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ... storm - Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog ...

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25.04.2013 Views

(...) Th e SVK is expected to inspire trust among the people continuously, trust that the territory of the RSK is secure and safe. Without a well-organized and strong SVK everything else in our state will collapse. Th ere will be no legal system or welfare system. And defence is the condition for that. Defence is the number one priority for our present and future. It must be. (...) Any doubt in the good intentions with negative consequences is human and needs to be understood. Th at should have been avoided. Inertia and the evasion of defence commitments are also confi rmed by the fact that state assets are used for other purposes, primarily personal gain, rather than for defence. Th e example of forest exploitation is more than convincing. Th e “Timber” programme of planned logging could have provided for the SVK and defence. Unfortunately, that has not been the case, and individuals and profi teers have relentlessly usurped a national resource. Th e parliament must oppose such policies more resolutely. We expect the aggression of the Croatian army in 1995. We must be ready for it. Th at will be the decisive battle, not only for the RSK but also for the entire Serbian people. Th e existing military intelligence and state security bodies must provide information on the start of aggression at least 10 or 15 days in advance. We are certain that the aggression will take place, but it is diffi cult to determine its start, which will occur between April and July 1995. Th e war between the RH and the RSK must end with the victory of one side and the defeat of the other. Until that takes place, the war will not and cannot end. (...) We have accepted negotiations with the Croatian side brokered by the international community, but nothing much can be expected from them. Nevertheless, negotiations are useful for us because they give us more time for preparing defence from the Croatian aggression. We must be prepared for the fi nal showdown with Croatia. In his policy Tuđman 31 does not make his moves by heart. Th e statements of Kohl 32 and Kinkel 33 urging Tuđman to withdraw his decision on denying hospitality to UNPROFOR are just a cover calculated to achieve specifi c goals, through pressure on the Serbs and the Security Council, and infl uence the SRY to recognize the Republic of Croatia and Bosnia&Herzegovina within their AVNOJ frontiers. Th e pressure on Serbia and the SRJ was meant to force the SRJ into renouncing the obligations it had accepted under the Vance Plan, and isolating the RSK people and leaving it helpless. In the evaluation of Croatia and Germany that should have led to the defeat of the Krajina Serbs. (...) All the parties [in Croatia] are united where the RSK is concerned. Th e armed option is also present in the programmes of all the opposition leaders. (...) Th e Croatian Parliament is completely in agreement with the policy towards the RSK, which is no particular surprise. Th ere is also in Croatia an increasing fear from UNPROFOR withdrawal. 31 Franjo, President of the Republic of Croatia. 32 Helmut Kohl, German Chancellor. 33 Klaus Kinkel, German Foreign Minister. 224

Even Tuđman fi nds it hard to conceal it. With great pomp and at the request of the international community Tuđman might withdraw his demand on UNPROFOR leaving Croatia, and that possibility is not to be excluded. Of course, that could only occur with certain concessions at the expense of the RSK and the SRJ. Croatia will not and may not wage war against all Serbs, and that is a realistic option if UNPROFOR leaves. In case of Croatia’s aggression on the RSK, we must be prepared to wage war, for a shorter or longer time, without the direct help of the VJ and the VRS. Th is is why we must be prepared to the utmost. Th is is also important because it makes Croatia’s position easier with respect to the RSK. Should the situation require it, all the Serbian people will defend Krajina. We are brothers, and mutual help in the life-and-death struggle will be up to the task of our time. Food, ammunition and manpower are guaranteed as help for the SVK. Help will be provided without the SRJ being directly involved in the war. Independently of the help and involvement of the SRJ and the RS, we must be totally prepared for opposing Croatian aggression. We must be able to wage war independently for a longer period. Th e degree of our readiness must allow us to deter Croatia from aggression on our own, or, should aggression take place, to break it down even in its worst variant even without any help... (...) We must make use of all the information gained from knowledge on the combat action of the 5 th Corps [of the ARBiH] and the Croatian army, and particularly on the commitment of HV forces in the Livno - Grahovo theatre. We can expect a tough and a long battle. We must meet the start of aggression with an organized defence and fi re system for breaking down the attack and survival, and protection from murderous artillery fi re. Blocking and fortifi cation must be completely coordinated with the defence and fi re system plans. Th e defence areas of lower echelon units must allow every soldier and squad to oppose the enemy with at least three lines of defence. Along every line the soldier must have a full profi le shelter, reserve positions for all weapons, observation posts etc. In places where the terrain does not allow for concealing troop or weapons movement, communication trenches must be provided between the defence lines. It would be unrealistic to expect successful defence if it is based on a single line, however well-prepared it may be. A combat ready corps must have a reserve, however small it may be. An available reserve allows a fast response to sudden changes of the situation. Command practices must avoid repeating the mistakes of 1993. Maslenica, the Medak pocket, Divoselo must not happen again. Th e loss of these points is the result of singleline defence and lack of proper action. We cannot give combat only at points of ustashi assault. In addition to defending the area in which we are attacked, we must turn to assault in places where the enemy is the weakest and where he does not expect our counter-attack. We must be ready for attack. We must attack with our reserves, and carry our determined strikes with new forces (volunteers etc.). We must not attack at points where the ustashi outnumber us, but there where they are “the thinnest”. Our combat actions must not be reduced merely to restoring what the Croatian army has captured. Th at would be a utopia which would not have a favourable impact on the ultimate outcome of the war. We must resort to defence in order to stop Croatian forces at the points of their attack, and attack ourselves where the ustashi are the weakest. We 225

Even Tuđman fi nds it hard to conceal it. With great pomp and at the request of the<br />

international community Tuđman might withdraw his demand on UNPROFOR leaving<br />

Croatia, and that possibility is not to be excluded. Of course, that could only occur with<br />

certain concessions at the expense of the RSK and the SRJ. Croatia will not and may not<br />

wage war against all Serbs, and that is a realistic option if UNPROFOR leaves.<br />

In case of Croatia’s aggression on the RSK, we must be prepared to wage war, for a shorter<br />

or longer time, without the direct help of the VJ and the VRS. Th is is why we must be<br />

prepared to the utmost. Th is is also important because it makes Croatia’s position easier<br />

with respect to the RSK. Should the situation require it, all the Serbian people will defend<br />

Krajina. We are brothers, and mutual help in the life-and-death struggle will be up to the<br />

task of our time. Food, ammunition and manpower are guaranteed as help for the SVK.<br />

Help will be provided without the SRJ being directly involved in the war.<br />

Independently of the help and involvement of the SRJ and the RS, we must be totally<br />

prepared for opposing Croatian aggression. We must be able to wage war independently<br />

for a longer period. Th e degree of our readiness must allow us to deter Croatia from<br />

aggression on our own, or, should aggression take place, to break it down even in its<br />

worst variant even without any help... (...)<br />

We must make use of all the information gained from knowledge on the combat action of<br />

the 5 th Corps [of the ARBiH] and the Croatian army, and particularly on the commitment<br />

of HV forces in the Livno - Grahovo theatre. We can expect a tough and a long battle. We<br />

must meet the start of aggression with an organized defence and fi re system for breaking<br />

down the attack and survival, and protection from murderous artillery fi re. Blocking and<br />

fortifi cation must be completely coordinated with the defence and fi re system plans. Th e<br />

defence areas of lower echelon units must allow every soldier and squad to oppose the<br />

enemy with at least three lines of defence. Along every line the soldier must have a full<br />

profi le shelter, reserve positions for all weapons, observation posts etc. In places where<br />

the terrain does not allow for concealing troop or weapons movement, communication<br />

trenches must be provided between the defence lines. It would be unrealistic to expect<br />

successful defence if it is based on a single line, however well-prepared it may be. A<br />

combat ready corps must have a reserve, however small it may be. An available reserve<br />

allows a fast response to sudden changes of the situation.<br />

Command practices must avoid repeating the mistakes of 1993. Maslenica, the Medak<br />

pocket, Divoselo must not happen again. Th e loss of these points is the result of singleline<br />

defence and lack of proper action. We cannot give combat only at points of ustashi<br />

assault. In addition to defending the area in which we are attacked, we must turn to<br />

assault in places where the enemy is the weakest and where he does not expect our<br />

counter-attack. We must be ready for attack. We must attack with our reserves, and carry<br />

our determined strikes with new forces (volunteers etc.). We must not attack at points<br />

where the ustashi outnumber us, but there where they are “the thinnest”.<br />

Our combat actions must not be reduced merely to restoring what the Croatian army<br />

has captured. Th at would be a utopia which would not have a favourable impact on the<br />

ultimate outcome of the war. We must resort to defence in order to stop Croatian forces<br />

at the points of their attack, and attack ourselves where the ustashi are the weakest. We<br />

225

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