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166<br />

CONCLUSION<br />

There have been quite a few speculations about the political background of Operation Storm.<br />

Th e criminal conduct of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serb army in the Srebrenica safe area<br />

followed by their joint assault on Bihać together with the Croatian rebel Serbs had a bearing<br />

on Croatia’s position. It became a factor which could help to resolve the Bosnian-Herzegovinian<br />

crisis with, of course, a price - understanding for Croatia’s interests in the area not controlled by the<br />

legal government. Th ere was obviously a tacit agreement of an infl uential part of the international<br />

community to a quick liberating operation. In addition to liberation, Operation Storm also had a no<br />

less important humanitarian feature, the lift ing of the blockade of the Bihać area, and this point must<br />

not be forgotten.<br />

Th e SVK was on the defence and in this respect compensated for the numerical superiority of<br />

the Croatian forces. In terms of armaments and military equipment it was a match for the HV, and<br />

it was even superior in armour. Its weakness lay in the fact that it was the military force of a system<br />

which no grounds for independent existence. Th e RSK was a creation emerged from the unrealized<br />

pan-Serbian plans about a similar state. Th e political and territorial entity which gave birth to SAO<br />

Krajina was only a tactical step supposed to give the Serbs in Croatia legality and legitimacy as<br />

the SFRY broke apart and to get them the international “green light” for remaining in the rump<br />

Yugoslavia. However, the project failed, i.e., the JNA did not defeat the Croatian army - that being the<br />

only way in which Croatia could be forced to accept the Serbian diktat concerning borders. Th erefore,<br />

SAO Krajina became the RSK, an attempt to create a state, aft er the autonomy project failed, which<br />

would join up with the Serbian-Montenegrin part of Yugoslavia. Aft er that it tried to maintain a<br />

kind of political-territorial organization through UNPROFOR and UNCRO, and succeeded in the<br />

eff ort for several years although the rebel Serbs harboured doubts about the international forces. But<br />

time worked against the RSK and its position and internal political conditions deteriorated because<br />

it had no material base, just as it did have the human and in particular the intellectual potential to<br />

create something more organized than a region with few laws, a lot of autocracy and, perhaps most<br />

accurately, rule of the stronger. An illustrative assessment was provided in mid-July 1995, on the<br />

eve of Storm, by a Yugoslav Army colonel engaged in the SVK Air force and Air Defence: As you<br />

travel across the RSK and visit its towns, you can easily note that nothing has been done in terms of<br />

development. Th e existing resources are being exploited and the outcome is sought from some other side.<br />

Th ere is no normal objective such as required for every organized society. All social wealth is stagnating.<br />

Popular culture has taken a wrong turn. All sense of reality in time and space has been lost... Th e<br />

people of the RSK are exhausted by the condition which stifl es every initiative. Fear from the ustashi<br />

killers has gradually and systematically prevailed. Because of “destroy everything Croatian” people live<br />

in fear of the ustashi doctrine of “kill everything Serbian”. And when the self-preservation instinct is not<br />

channelled, it is clear what manifestations are possible. 543<br />

543 M. Sekulić, «Knin je pao u Beogradu» (Knin Fell in Belgrade), 232.

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