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Eckhard Bick - VISL

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While (2c-e) can be described as process or event verbs 202 without explicitable agent,<br />

and the agent in (2a-b) is in the subject, it is unexpressed but explicitably non-subject in<br />

(3a-c):<br />

(3a) Collor pode eleger-se deputado (pelos amigos). ('Collor may be elected MP.')<br />

(3b) Derrubam-se as estátuas. ('Statues are [being] overthrown.)<br />

(3c) Cobram-se mensalidades .... ('Monthly fees are charged.')<br />

(3d) jamais se soube como ... ('it was never known how ..')<br />

Here, Collor is subject, but not agent, and the subjects in (3b) - (3d), being inanimate,<br />

are not even semantically potential agents. In (3d) the problem is slightly different - if<br />

se is to be a (reflexive) direct object, then the other argument of the cognitive verb must<br />

be +HUM, which the interrogative clausal FS como ... clearly is not.<br />

Rather, in all of (3), the patient role is represented by both subject and object. I<br />

would like to argue that "se" in (3) is not reflexive at all, neither analytically nor<br />

lexically. One solution for saving the uniqueness principle with regard to thematic roles<br />

in (3a) is to opt for a condensed causative matrix reading ('Collor can let/make himself<br />

be elected MP'), which is not, however, especially self-evident in the surface-structure<br />

of the Portuguese sentence. Estátuas, mensalidades and como ... , in (3b-d), are not<br />

even semantically capable of being agents, so a causative reading would not be an<br />

option anyway. Rather, all four examples can be described as (reflexive) passives 203 ,<br />

where the "reflexive" pronoun functions somewhat like the '-s' morpheme in the<br />

Scandinavian "reflexive" synthetic passive ('Månedlige gebyrer opkræves.'), though<br />

"se" in the Portuguese construction is not a bound morpheme, and not even obligatorily<br />

enclitic 204 . In my parser I have therefore chosen a hybrid tag, @ACC-PASS, that at the<br />

same time satisfies surface syntactic necessities (i.e. having a [surface-] direct object for<br />

obligatorily transitive verbs) and the pseudo-morphological function of passivisation.<br />

Thus, due to the @ACC function tag, both true reflexives (2) and passive<br />

constructions (3) are more or less in harmony with the morphological accusative case<br />

tag of “se”:<br />

202 I am here applying a simple two-feature typology, that is also used in my lexicon designate the semantic class, of deverbal<br />

nouns (cp. 6.3.2):<br />

imperfective perfective<br />

+ Agent-subject, + Control activity action <br />

- Agent-subject, - Control process event <br />

203 In the context of this chapter, the term (reflexive) passive will be applied to instances where pronominal se roles as<br />

PATIENT, with no AGENT subject present or implied by the main verb's subject selection restrictions, and with number<br />

agreement permitting a non-subject reading for se.<br />

204 Diachronically, enclitic pronouns are on the retreat in Brazilian Portuguese.<br />

- 330 -

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