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Eckhard Bick - VISL

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different subjects of matrix and subclause imply two clauses and make one-clausepassivisation<br />

impossible:<br />

O rei mandou matar a ovelha.<br />

*A ovelha mandou ser morta pelo rei.<br />

For the same reason, both test-sets sharply exclude ACI- and causative constructions,<br />

and the verbs concerned will here be kept outside the auxiliary camp.<br />

A problem with the subject identity test is that some of the preposition-mediated<br />

and a few other auxiliary candidates have a double status - they can sometimes appear<br />

as full verbs governing preposition phrases with ICL-arguments substituting for NParguments.<br />

In this case, the subject of the infinitive clause must be expressed, it must be<br />

in the nominative if pronominal, and there would be inflexion agreement between the<br />

infinitive (thus personal) and its subject:<br />

Gostaria de eles me visitarem<br />

(as opposed to the auxiliary reading in eles gostam de viajar)<br />

Temo de (eles) cairem<br />

(as opposed to the ”auxiliary” reading in temo de cair)<br />

I tend to think that the reason for, for instance, gostar and supor allowing a different<br />

subject in its ICL complement, and tencionar not allowing it, is semantico-lexical rather<br />

than proof of these verbs’ membership in to different syntactic classes. Opting for the<br />

passivisation criterion for auxiliarity, we could hold that subject identity across matrix<br />

and subclause is just one of three possible semantic permutations for the subjects of<br />

ICL-complements (same subject, different subject or either), and that the criterion of<br />

same subject is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for auxiliarity.<br />

A problem with the passivisation test is that some candidate verbs (começar a/de,<br />

continuar a/de, deixar de, parar de) can appear both with a PAT/-CONTR subject (1c,<br />

2c) or a AG/+CONTR subject (1a, 2a), yielding two different meanings and conflicting<br />

results with the passivisation (1c, 2c) and imperative tests (1d, 2d). And while their<br />

complements fail the finite subclause substitution test, they do take direct np-objects<br />

without apparent change in meaning, unlike all other verbs in the set: “começou a<br />

aula”, or“parou o cavalo”.<br />

(1a) A empresa continua a produzir o antigo modelo. ‘.. continues to produce ...’<br />

(1b) O antigo modelo continua a ser produzido. ‘.. continues to be produced’<br />

(1c) A inflação continua a crescer. ‘.. keeps increasing.’<br />

(1d) Continue a produzir o antigo modelo! ‘go on producing ..!<br />

(2a) Pára de molestar a irmã. ‘(he) stops molesting ...’<br />

(2b) ?A irmã pára de ser molestada. ‘.. stops being molested.’<br />

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