IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

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I use the terms “beit din” and “sharī‘a court” rather loosely to mean not only the tribunals presided over by (up to) three rabbis or a qāḍī, but also the services of notaries (called sofrim, s. sofer in Hebrew and ‘udūl, s. ‘adl in Arabic). Notaries were essential to the functioning of both Islamic and Jewish law. Moreover, while some of the documents I examine record actual lawsuits—over non-payment of debts, for instance—the vast majority of the Jewish and Islamic legal documents that survive were notarized contracts of one sort or another. These contracts were notarized by sofrim according to the standards of halakhah, or by ‘udūl according to the standards of the sharī‘a. These strict guidelines were observed precisely so that notarized documents could be upheld as evidence in court in the event of a lawsuit. 13 In Morocco, individuals were technically required to have the signatures of the two ‘udūl who had witnessed a given document legalized by a qāḍī—even if this did not always happen in reality. 14 There is also some evidence that Moroccan batei din at times similarly required that a rabbi legalize the signatures of the two sofrim attesting to the document, though most Jewish legal documents only have the signatures of two (or even one or three) sofrim and none from a rabbi. 15 Although notaries and judges provided different services, they made up two complementary parts of the 13 On notarized documents in Islamic law generally, see Emile Tyan, Le notariat et le régime de la preuve par écrit dans la pratique du droit musulman (Harissa: Imprimerie St. Paul, 1945). For an anthropological perspective on the role of ‘udūl in Moroccan sharī‘a courts, see Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 190-4. 14 Many of the ‘uqūd from the Assarraf collection (described below) are legalized by a qāḍī, though probably an even greater number are missing the qāḍī’s signature and have only the signatures of the two ‘udūl. On the requirement to have legal documents notarized by ‘udūl and legalized by a qāḍī, see, e.g., the discussion in AGA, Caja M 9, Exp. no. 1 (81/9), Diario del Tribunal Marroquí, p. 4, 23 November 1871 (discussed further in Chapters Seven and Eight). 15 On the possible requirement that Jewish legal documents be legalized by a rabbi, see, e.g., FO 636/2, p. 17b, 29 July 1858 (in which John Drummond Hay certifies a Hebrew legal document containing the signatures of two sofrim, as well as that of Rabbi Isaac Bengualid); MAE Nantes, Tanger F 1, 29 January 1891 (which concerns a case involving documents confirmed by “les sofer (notaires) Israélites de Tanger, dont les signatures ont été légalisées par le grand Rabbin de cette ville”). Needless to say, if this were, indeed, an accepted practice in Morocco, it would be interesting to investigate whether Jewish legal practice borrowed from Islamic legal practice in this instance; my instinct is that this was the case at least to a certain extent. 48

Jewish and Islamic legal systems respectively. I thus view notaries as integral parts of batei din and sharī‘a courts broadly speaking. Reconstructing the history of Jews’ use of Jewish and Islamic courts in nineteenth- century Morocco is made more challenging by the fact that neither of these judicial institutions kept systematic records. Unlike sharī‘a courts in the Ottoman empire, sharī‘a courts in Morocco did not maintain their own archives. Rather, ‘udūl drew up legal documents (‘uqūd or rusūm) which they gave to the individual plaintiffs, who then preserved these documents in their own private collections. 16 The majority of batei din similarly did not keep records of their judgments, only producing legal documents for the use of individuals who then preserved them in family archives. 17 The fact that neither sharī‘a courts nor batei din kept official records of their functioning also means that Jews would not have been attracted to sharī‘a courts because they kept better records than batei din—an argument sometimes made by scholars trying to explain 16 On the lack of record keeping in Moroccan sharī‘a courts, see Léon Buskens, “Mālikī Formularies and Legal Documents: Changes in the Manuscript Culture of the ‘Udūl (Professional Witnesses) in Morocco,” in The Codicology of Islamic Manuscripts, ed. Yasin Dutton (London: Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1995), 140; Jacques Caillé, Organisation judiciaire et procédure marocaines (Paris: Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1948), 19. See also DAR, Safi, Italian consul in Safi to al-Ṭayyib b. Hīma, 10 Rabī‘ II 1299/ 1 March 1882. 17 As far as I know, no other scholars have written about the archival practices of Jewish communities in Morocco. Nonetheless, I have not found any extant registers of court decisions from batei din from before the colonial period; on the contrary, Jewish legal documents seem to have survived in largely the same ways as Islamic legal documents, that is, through private collections. Although some archives and libraries are confused as to the nature of certain documents which they mistakenly label as records of batei din, I am quite convinced that no such records existed in any systematic way before the colonial period. (See, e.g., CAHJP, P.141/1: this is labeled as a pinqas (register) from the beit din of Fez, but in fact is a collection of copies of legal documents which one particular family had made for their own personal use. See also P.141/2 and P.141/3.) The one exception is for the city of Tangier, where records of the Junta (the communal governing body) were kept starting in the mid-nineteenth century. However, as far as I am aware, no such records were kept for Tangier’s beit din. If such records were kept, they undoubtedly remain in the archives of the Jewish community of Tangier, which are closed to researchers. The only indication I found that other communities might have kept some sort of legal archive is from FO 631/14, A. Nicolson to Maclean Madden, 24 October 1902 and 21 November 1902, in which the sofrim of Safi were able to find a marriage contract (ketubbah) of a Jew named Solomon Sananes in their records. However, it is possible that communities like the one of Safi kept records of matters like marriages and divorces but not of court judgments. 49

Jewish and Islamic legal systems respectively. I thus view notaries as integral parts of batei din<br />

and sharī‘a courts broadly speaking.<br />

Reconstructing the history of Jews’ use of Jewish and Islamic courts in nineteenth-<br />

century Morocco is made more challenging by the fact that neither of these judicial institutions<br />

kept systematic records. Unlike sharī‘a courts in the Ottoman empire, sharī‘a courts in Morocco<br />

did not maintain their own archives. Rather, ‘udūl drew up legal documents (‘uqūd or rusūm)<br />

which they gave to the individual plaintiffs, who then preserved these documents in their own<br />

private collections. 16 The majority of batei din similarly did not keep records of their judgments,<br />

only producing legal documents for the use of individuals who then preserved them in family<br />

archives. 17 The fact that neither sharī‘a courts nor batei din kept official records of their<br />

functioning also means that Jews would not have been attracted to sharī‘a courts because they<br />

kept better records than batei din—an argument sometimes made by scholars trying to explain<br />

16<br />

On the lack of record keeping in Moroccan sharī‘a courts, see Léon Buskens, “Mālikī Formularies and Legal<br />

Documents: Changes in the Manuscript Culture of the ‘Udūl (Professional Witnesses) in Morocco,” in The<br />

Codicology of Islamic Manuscripts, ed. Yasin Dutton (London: Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1995), 140;<br />

Jacques Caillé, Organisation judiciaire et procédure marocaines (Paris: Librairie générale de droit et de<br />

jurisprudence, 1948), 19. See also DAR, Safi, Italian consul in Safi to al-Ṭayyib b. Hīma, 10 Rabī‘ II 1299/ 1 March<br />

1882.<br />

17<br />

As far as I know, no other scholars have written about the archival practices of Jewish communities in Morocco.<br />

Nonetheless, I have not found any extant registers of court decisions from batei din from before the colonial period;<br />

on the contrary, Jewish legal documents seem to have survived in largely the same ways as Islamic legal documents,<br />

that is, through private collections. Although some archives and libraries are confused as to the nature of certain<br />

documents which they mistakenly label as records of batei din, I am quite convinced that no such records existed in<br />

any systematic way before the colonial period. (See, e.g., CAHJP, P.141/1: this is labeled as a pinqas (register)<br />

from the beit din of Fez, but in fact is a collection of copies of legal documents which one particular family had<br />

made for their own personal use. See also P.141/2 and P.141/3.) The one exception is for the city of Tangier, where<br />

records of the Junta (the communal governing body) were kept starting in the mid-nineteenth century. However, as<br />

far as I am aware, no such records were kept for Tangier’s beit din. If such records were kept, they undoubtedly<br />

remain in the archives of the Jewish community of Tangier, which are closed to researchers. The only indication I<br />

found that other communities might have kept some sort of legal archive is from FO 631/14, A. Nicolson to Maclean<br />

Madden, 24 October 1902 and 21 November 1902, in which the sofrim of Safi were able to find a marriage contract<br />

(ketubbah) of a Jew named Solomon Sananes in their records. However, it is possible that communities like the one<br />

of Safi kept records of matters like marriages and divorces but not of court judgments.<br />

49

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