IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

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The epilogue brings us briefly into the colonial period, providing a sketch of how the French transformed the Moroccan legal system and how these changes affected Jews’ (and Muslims’) legal strategies. It points the way towards further research on the socio-legal history of Morocco under French rule, a field that remains wide open to future scholars. * * * When Jewish jurists referred to the legal institutions of non-Jews, they used the term ‘arkaot shel goyim. 111 The word goy (pl. goyim) can be translated as “nation,” such that the phrase literally means “the courts of [the] nations”—although goyim had come to denote non- Jews more generally and, more specifically in the Moroccan context, Muslims. When Moroccan Jewish legal authorities discussed the use of sharī‘a and Makhzan courts, they described them as ‘arkaot shel goyim. For our purposes, the courts of the nations also evoke the consular courts which were run by the various nations with diplomatic representation in Morocco. Most fitting about this idiom is the multiplicity of legal venues it suggests. The courts of the nations encompassed all non-Jewish legal institutions, capturing the legal pluralism which characterized nineteenth-century Morocco and, indeed, the legal history of Jews in the Islamic Mediterranean more broadly. 111 The term ‘arkaot shel ‘ovdei kokhavim (“courts of idol worshippers”) was initially used in the Babylonian Talmud (Gittin 9b), but in later halakhic literature the term ‘arkaot shel goyim became standard. 42

Chapter One: Between Batei Din and Sharī‘a Courts In early 1907, Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Fatḥan al-Mīshūrī owed his landlord rent. The landlord was none other than Ya‘aqov Assarraf, son of the prominent merchant Shalom Assarraf and one of the most influential (and wealthy) Jews of Fez. 1 On February 25, 1907, the two went to a sharī‘a court where they recorded that Muḥammad had sold two silver bracelets which he had given Ya‘aqov as surety, and had handed over the proceeds in order to pay the overdue rent. 2 Seventeen days later, on March 14, Ya‘aqov went to court again. This time, though, he appeared before Jewish notaries to draw up a bill of sale according to Jewish law. He sold a donkey (described as green!) to a fellow Jew named Yehudah b. Eliyahu Agiri. 3 The following month, Ya‘aqov was back in a sharī‘a court twice for more contracts with Muslims. On April 10 he had ‘udūl notarize a bill of debt which testified to money he was owed by a Muslim. 4 On April 15 he went back to notarize a lease for the usufruct rights of a store in the millāḥ (the Jewish quarter); he rented the property to Muḥammad b. Laḥsan al-Filālī and his son Idrīs for two riyāls a month. 5 1 The previous spring, Muḥammad had rented the usufruct rights to a store in the millāḥ from Ya‘aqov, agreeing to pay a monthly rent of one riyāl and three dirhams (TC, File #1, 1 Rabī‘ I 1324/ 8 May 1906). The store itself was owned by a ḥubs (pious endowment), but the usufruct rights could be bought, sold, and leased much like normal property; see the discussion in Chapter Two. 2 This is written on the back of the above-cited rental document, dated 12 Muḥarram 1325. Muḥammad sold the bracelets for ten riyāls, six mithqāls, and one dirham, which amounted to at least ten months’ rent. Riyāls were actually a separate currency from mithqāls and dirhams, made of silver. The riyāl referred to here probably corresponded to the French riyāl; one French riyāl equaled five francs (this was the riyāl more commonly used after 1896, as opposed to the Spanish riyāl: see Thomas Kerlin Park, “Inflation and Economic Policy in 19th Century Morocco: The Compromise Solution,” The Maghreb Review 10, no. 2-3 (1985): 54). There were ten dirhams in a mithqāl. The relationship between riyāls and dirhams changed quite a bit over the course of the second half of the nineteenth century, so it is difficult to say precisely how much 10 riyāls, 6 mithqāls and one dirham were worth. In 1863, one riyāl equaled 32.5 dirhams, though undoubtedly this had changed by 1906. See Germain Ayache, Etudes d’histoire marocaine (Rabat: Société Marocaine des Editeurs Réunis, 1979), 128-31. 3 JTS, Box 5, Folder #2, 28 Adar 5667. 4 TC, File #9, 26 Ṣafar 1325. 5 TC, File #5, 2 Rabī‘ I 1325. 43

Chapter One: Between Batei Din and Sharī‘a Courts<br />

In early 1907, Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Fatḥan al-Mīshūrī owed his landlord rent. The<br />

landlord was none other than Ya‘aqov Assarraf, son of the prominent merchant Shalom Assarraf<br />

and one of the most influential (and wealthy) Jews of Fez. 1 On February 25, 1907, the two went<br />

to a sharī‘a court where they recorded that Muḥammad had sold two silver bracelets which he<br />

had given Ya‘aqov as surety, and had handed over the proceeds in order to pay the overdue rent. 2<br />

Seventeen days later, on March 14, Ya‘aqov went to court again. This time, though, he appeared<br />

before Jewish notaries to draw up a bill of sale according to Jewish law. He sold a donkey<br />

(described as green!) to a fellow Jew named Yehudah b. Eliyahu Agiri. 3 The following month,<br />

Ya‘aqov was back in a sharī‘a court twice for more contracts with Muslims. On April 10 he had<br />

‘udūl notarize a bill of debt which testified to money he was owed by a Muslim. 4 On April 15 he<br />

went back to notarize a lease for the usufruct rights of a store in the millāḥ (the Jewish quarter);<br />

he rented the property to Muḥammad b. Laḥsan al-Filālī and his son Idrīs for two riyāls a<br />

month. 5<br />

1<br />

The previous spring, Muḥammad had rented the usufruct rights to a store in the millāḥ from Ya‘aqov, agreeing to<br />

pay a monthly rent of one riyāl and three dirhams (TC, File #1, 1 Rabī‘ I 1324/ 8 May 1906). The store itself was<br />

owned by a ḥubs (pious endowment), but the usufruct rights could be bought, sold, and leased much like normal<br />

property; see the discussion in Chapter Two.<br />

2<br />

This is written on the back of the above-cited rental document, dated 12 Muḥarram 1325. Muḥammad sold the<br />

bracelets for ten riyāls, six mithqāls, and one dirham, which amounted to at least ten months’ rent. Riyāls were<br />

actually a separate currency from mithqāls and dirhams, made of silver. The riyāl referred to here probably<br />

corresponded to the French riyāl; one French riyāl equaled five francs (this was the riyāl more commonly used after<br />

1896, as opposed to the Spanish riyāl: see Thomas Kerlin Park, “Inflation and Economic Policy in 19th Century<br />

Morocco: The Compromise Solution,” The Maghreb Review 10, no. 2-3 (1985): 54). There were ten dirhams in a<br />

mithqāl. The relationship between riyāls and dirhams changed quite a bit over the course of the second half of the<br />

nineteenth century, so it is difficult to say precisely how much 10 riyāls, 6 mithqāls and one dirham were worth. In<br />

1863, one riyāl equaled 32.5 dirhams, though undoubtedly this had changed by 1906. See Germain Ayache, Etudes<br />

d’histoire marocaine (Rabat: Société Marocaine des Editeurs Réunis, 1979), 128-31.<br />

3<br />

JTS, Box 5, Folder #2, 28 Adar 5667.<br />

4<br />

TC, File #9, 26 Ṣafar 1325.<br />

5<br />

TC, File #5, 2 Rabī‘ I 1325.<br />

43

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