IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
social class, family, region, etc.), partly from their own individual networks which transcended those larger social groups (such as business relations, ties to judicial officials, etc.), and partly from what they perceived to be their financial self-interest. In using the concept of forum shopping, I pay close attention to the ways in which an individual’s ability to choose among different legal fora stood in tension with the convergence of different legal orders. By legal convergence, I mean “the tendency of legal systems, or parts of legal systems, to evolve in parallel directions.” 96 Forum shopping is based on the premise that one will get different results in different legal orders—that is, that a sharī‘a court and a beit din will not rule identically or produce equivalent legal deeds. Yet the different legal orders in Morocco did not always act in competition with one another. As we will see, Jews sometimes sought out the services of sharī‘a courts and batei din simultaneously (Chapter Three). Jews often appealed to the judicial branch of the Makhzan to bolster the authority of Jewish legal institutions (Chapter Six). Even consular courts adapted to the legal conventions of sharī‘a courts, often to the point of adopting Islamic legal norms (Chapter Eight). In other words, Moroccan Jews did not always obtain a different result by turning to a different legal institution; on the contrary, at times distinct legal orders worked cooperatively to complement or even bolster one another’s authority. The convergence of legal orders in Morocco did not erase the advantages of forum shopping, but it did at times limit them; the tension between forum shopping and legal convergence represents another way in which the legal decisions of Moroccan Jews were far more complex than a simple pursuit of self interest. 96 Lawrence M. Friedman, “Borders: On the Emerging Sociology of Transnational Law,” Stanford Journal of International Law 32, no. 1 (1996): 72. See also John Henry Merryman, “On the Convergence (and Divergence) of the Civil Law and the Common Law,” Stanford Journal of International Law 17, no. 2 (1981). 32
Legal pluralism does not explain when and why Jews turned to non-Jewish legal institutions; rather, it gives us analytical tools for understanding how Jews coped with the existence of multiple legal orders which we can use in tracing Jews’ legal strategies in nineteenth-century Morocco (and beyond). Legal pluralism also allows us to move away from the spectrum of greater or lesser autonomy which asks only about Jews’ degree of independence. Rather, legal pluralism focuses our attention on the ways in which Jewish legal orders coexisted, cooperated, and converged with the other legal orders present in a given society. Methodology This study relies primarily on three different source bases corresponding to the three parts of the dissertation. 97 In Part One, where I examine sharī‘a courts and batei din, I rely mainly on legal documents produced by these courts. The sharī‘a court documents are entirely in Arabic, while the batei din documents are mostly in Hebrew with some partially in Judeo-Arabic and Haketia (the Moroccan dialect of Judeo-Spanish). 98 Part Two, which looks at the role of the Makhzan in the Moroccan legal system, relies principally on correspondence among Makhzan officials preserved in Moroccan archives. 99 In Part Three, which traces the functioning of consular courts and the impact of consular officials on Jews’ legal strategies, I draw primarily on 97 I introduce the sources more fully in each section. 98 Both Judeo-Arabic and Haketia are written in Hebrew letters. Many Jews in the north of Morocco (where exiled Jews from Spain had numerically overwhelmed local Jews upon their arrival in the fifteenth century) spoke Haketia, although the linguistic map of Haketia speakers and the evolution of the language remain unclear. The term Haketia comes from the Arabic verb ḥakā, meaning to talk, tell, or relate. Jews in the rest of the country spoke dialects of Judeo-Arabic which were closely related to the local dialects of colloquial Arabic spoken by Moroccan Muslims. On Moroccan Judeo-Arabic, see, e.g., Norman Stillman, The Language and Culture of the Jews of Sefrou, Morocco: An Ethnolinguistic Study (Manchester: University of Manchester, 1988); Joseph Chetrit, Diglossie, hybridation et diversité intra-linguistique : études socio-pragmatiques sur les langue juives, le judéo-arabe et le judéo-berbère (Paris: Peeters, 2007). On Haketia, see Alegría Bendelac, Los nuestros : Sejiná, Letuarios, Jaquetía y Fraja : un retrato de los sefardíes del norte de Marruecos a través de sus recuerdos y de su lengua (1860-1984) (New York: P. Lang, 1987). 99 This correspondence is all in Arabic. 33
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social class, family, region, etc.), partly from their own individual networks which transcended<br />
those larger social groups (such as business relations, ties to judicial officials, etc.), and partly<br />
from what they perceived to be their financial self-interest.<br />
In using the concept of forum shopping, I pay close attention to the ways in which an<br />
individual’s ability to choose among different legal fora stood in tension with the convergence of<br />
different legal orders. By legal convergence, I mean “the tendency of legal systems, or parts of<br />
legal systems, to evolve in parallel directions.” 96 Forum shopping is based on the premise that<br />
one will get different results in different legal orders—that is, that a sharī‘a court and a beit din<br />
will not rule identically or produce equivalent legal deeds. Yet the different legal orders in<br />
Morocco did not always act in competition with one another. As we will see, Jews sometimes<br />
sought out the services of sharī‘a courts and batei din simultaneously (Chapter Three). Jews<br />
often appealed to the judicial branch of the Makhzan to bolster the authority of Jewish legal<br />
institutions (Chapter Six). Even consular courts adapted to the legal conventions of sharī‘a<br />
courts, often to the point of adopting Islamic legal norms (Chapter Eight). In other words,<br />
Moroccan Jews did not always obtain a different result by turning to a different legal institution;<br />
on the contrary, at times distinct legal orders worked cooperatively to complement or even<br />
bolster one another’s authority. The convergence of legal orders in Morocco did not erase the<br />
advantages of forum shopping, but it did at times limit them; the tension between forum<br />
shopping and legal convergence represents another way in which the legal decisions of<br />
Moroccan Jews were far more complex than a simple pursuit of self interest.<br />
96<br />
Lawrence M. Friedman, “Borders: On the Emerging Sociology of Transnational Law,” Stanford Journal of<br />
International Law 32, no. 1 (1996): 72. See also John Henry Merryman, “On the Convergence (and Divergence) of<br />
the Civil Law and the Common Law,” Stanford Journal of International Law 17, no. 2 (1981).<br />
32