IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
only strong legal pluralism is worthy of empirical study, and thus essentially ignores weaker forms of legal pluralism. Yet scholars have raised a number of objections to Griffiths’ approach. 80 Ido Shahar points out that Griffiths’ distinction between strong and weak legal pluralism leads scholars away from using legal pluralism as a theoretical framework in Islamic societies, where the state generally does grant some form of recognition to multiple legal orders (such as those of non- Muslims). 81 Shahar proposes another meaning to the distinction between strong and weak legal pluralism, one focused on institutions and legal actors rather than normative law. In Shahar’s schema, strong legal pluralism occurs when an individual can engage in forum shopping—that is, has the ability to choose a legal forum on the basis of where she thinks she will get the most favorable outcome. Weak legal pluralism occurs when an individual is only able to appeal to the particular legal forum to which she is assigned (presumably by the state) for a given case. 82 While Shahar’s conceptions of strong and weak legal pluralism are certainly more useful for the purposes of this dissertation, I am most concerned with his emphasis on the viewpoint of legal actors and institutions as opposed to normative law. 83 Rather than focusing exclusively on how the state engaged with the various legal orders which existed under its auspices, I also ask how these legal orders functioned in relation to one another and how individuals navigated among them. Shahar suggests that we use legal pluralism to understand sharī‘a in the context of non-shar‘ī legal orders; I take this proposition one step further by including non-Muslim legal 80 The most influential objection to legal pluralism, and particularly to Griffiths’ conception of it, was made by Brian Tamanaha: Brian Z. Tamanaha, “The Folly of the ‘Social Scientific’ Concept of Legal Pluralism,” Journal of Law and Society 20, no. 2 (1993). Tamanaha’s main point is that legal pluralists mischaracterize legal centralism, largely by refusing to recognize the role of the state in determining what constitutes law (see esp. ibid., 201). 81 Ido Shahar, “Legal Pluralism and the Study of Shari‘a Courts,” Islamic Law and Society 15 (2008): 121-2. 82 Ibid., 123-4. 83 In this, he is influenced by Jacques Vanderlinden, “Return to Legal Pluralism: Twenty Years Later,” Journal of Legal Pluralism 28 (1989). 28
orders. I also turn the focus from how lawmakers managed the existence of multiple legal orders to how legal consumers moved among different and often competing legal institutions. Ultimately, I am not particularly concerned with arriving at a new (and presumably better) definition of law or legal pluralism. In identifying what law was in the case of nineteenth-century Morocco, I follow Brian Tamanaha’s approach that “law is what people within social groups have come to see and label as ‘law.’” 84 I am principally interested in using legal pluralism as a tool to shift the debates on the history of law and of Jews in the Islamic Mediterranean, rather than using the legal history of Jews in Morocco to influence the ways in which scholars think about legal pluralism. In employing legal pluralism as a theoretical framework, I follow in the footsteps of scholars who have employed legal pluralism as an organizing principle to understand how various legal orders coexist in Islamic society. 85 Ido Shahar has articulated the benefits of legal pluralism for the study of sharī‘a courts, though as discussed above his insights should be extended to include law in Islamic societies broadly speaking. 86 Similarly, Uriel Simonsohn argues that the legal history of Jews under early Islam is best understood from the point of view of legal pluralism. 87 Yet as Sarah Stein has pointed out, scholars of Jewish studies have not engaged with legal pluralism as much as one might expect. 88 Given the inherent plurality present in any situation in which Jews exercised some sort of judicial power, legal pluralism seems to be a particularly fruitful framework with which to investigate the history of Jewish law. 84 Tamanaha, “Understanding Legal Pluralism,” 396. 85 Shahar, “Practicing Islamic Law,” esp. 11-35; Rubin, Ottoman Nizamiye Courts, esp. 59-62; Julia Clancy-Smith, Mediterraneans: North Africa and Europe in an Age of Migration, c. 1800-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), Chapter 6. See also El-Leithy, “Coptic Culture and Conversion,” 417-20; El-Leithy discusses forum shopping among different madhāhib by dhimmīs, though he does not explicitly use the term legal pluralism. 86 Shahar, “Legal Pluralism and Shari'a Courts.” 87 Simonsohn, A Common Justice, 11-14. 88 Sarah Abrevaya Stein, “Protected Persons? The Baghdadi Jewish Diaspora, the British State, and the Persistence of Empire,” The American Historical Review 116, no. 1 (2011): 83. 29
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only strong legal pluralism is worthy of empirical study, and thus essentially ignores weaker<br />
forms of legal pluralism.<br />
Yet scholars have raised a number of objections to Griffiths’ approach. 80 Ido Shahar<br />
points out that Griffiths’ distinction between strong and weak legal pluralism leads scholars<br />
away from using legal pluralism as a theoretical framework in Islamic societies, where the state<br />
generally does grant some form of recognition to multiple legal orders (such as those of non-<br />
Muslims). 81 Shahar proposes another meaning to the distinction between strong and weak legal<br />
pluralism, one focused on institutions and legal actors rather than normative law. In Shahar’s<br />
schema, strong legal pluralism occurs when an individual can engage in forum shopping—that<br />
is, has the ability to choose a legal forum on the basis of where she thinks she will get the most<br />
favorable outcome. Weak legal pluralism occurs when an individual is only able to appeal to the<br />
particular legal forum to which she is assigned (presumably by the state) for a given case. 82<br />
While Shahar’s conceptions of strong and weak legal pluralism are certainly more useful<br />
for the purposes of this dissertation, I am most concerned with his emphasis on the viewpoint of<br />
legal actors and institutions as opposed to normative law. 83 Rather than focusing exclusively on<br />
how the state engaged with the various legal orders which existed under its auspices, I also ask<br />
how these legal orders functioned in relation to one another and how individuals navigated<br />
among them. Shahar suggests that we use legal pluralism to understand sharī‘a in the context of<br />
non-shar‘ī legal orders; I take this proposition one step further by including non-Muslim legal<br />
80<br />
The most influential objection to legal pluralism, and particularly to Griffiths’ conception of it, was made by<br />
Brian Tamanaha: Brian Z. Tamanaha, “The Folly of the ‘Social Scientific’ Concept of Legal Pluralism,” Journal of<br />
Law and Society 20, no. 2 (1993). Tamanaha’s main point is that legal pluralists mischaracterize legal centralism,<br />
largely by refusing to recognize the role of the state in determining what constitutes law (see esp. ibid., 201).<br />
81<br />
Ido Shahar, “Legal Pluralism and the Study of Shari‘a Courts,” Islamic Law and Society 15 (2008): 121-2.<br />
82<br />
Ibid., 123-4.<br />
83<br />
In this, he is influenced by Jacques Vanderlinden, “Return to Legal Pluralism: Twenty Years Later,” Journal of<br />
Legal Pluralism 28 (1989).<br />
28