IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

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Mohammed Kenbib and Khalid Ben Srhir, on the other hand, explain that the Makhzan had simply followed the law in punishing Dahan for having illegal sexual relations with a Muslim woman. 98 The details of this case are worth exploring, especially since two distinct narratives of the Ntifa events emerged following Dahan’s death. All agreed that Jacob Dahan was in the habit of distributing food to indigent Jews and Muslims during the famine of 1878-9. 99 After the famine, a Muslim woman chose to remain in his household as a sort of domestic servant. This arrangement aroused suspicions that Dahan had become sexually intimate with her, which would have constituted a violation of Islamic law (since Muslim women were not allowed to marry non-Muslim men, much less engage in extra-marital sexual acts with them). When the qā’id of Ntifa, ‘Abdallāh b. al-Ḥasan al-Ntīfī, found out about this, he summoned Dahan and punished him, either by beating him or by imprisoning him. At this point, the narratives diverge. One interpretation of events, promulgated by a group of Jews in Ntifa, their foreign allies, and the press, claimed that Dahan was severely beaten by al-Ntīfī and that he died from his wounds. The Jews of Ntifa were not even permitted to bury Dahan’s body until they sacrificed seven bulls to the Ntifa tribe and paid them eighty riyāls. 100 Dahan’s son initiated an appeal to foreigners by traveling to Tangier; once there, he earned the sympathies of the Italian, French, and British ambassadors. 101 Haim Benchimol, among the most prominent Jews in Tangier and indeed all of Morocco, mentioned Dahan’s murder in a letter to the AIU concerning recent mistreatment of Jews. 102 As with the Safi affair, the foreign press (including Le Petit 98 Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans, 224-9: Ben-Srhir, Britain and Morocco, 193-6. 99 On this famine, which lasted until 1884, see Holden, The Politics of Food in Modern Morocco, 7, 24-5. 100 DAR, Yahūd, 32511, al-ḥazān Abnīr to Muḥammad b. al-‘Arabī b. al-Mukhtār, 28 Shawwāl 1297. 101 See DAR, Yahūd, 32491, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 21 Shawwāl 1297. 102 Fenton and Littman, L’exil au Maghreb, 509-11. The letter is dated October 7, 1880. 356

Marseillais, The Times, The Pall Mall Gazette, and The New York Times) took up Dahan’s alleged murder as a cause célèbre. 103 Foreign consular officials eagerly championed Dahan’s cause. The French ambassador, Vernouillet, wrote to the grand vizier objecting to the qā’id’s actions. Vernouillet explained that this case was worse than the incident a few months earlier in which a Jewish man named Alluf was burned alive by a mob in Fez. 104 Dahan’s death was “even more odious” because it was committed by a “kaid representing the sultan.” 105 Vernouillet concluded: It is necessary that His Majesty set an example, because otherwise all of Europe will take the oppressed Jews under its protection, and we will be obligated to act officially to suppress crimes that today we only raise unofficially with His Cherifian Majesty. 106 In particular, foreign officials insisted that al-Ntīfī be dismissed from his post and punished, as an “example” to other Makhzan officials of the consequences of oppressing Jews. Vernouillet threatened the Makhzan with extending European (or, in another version, just French) 107 protection to all Jews, much as Russia had threatened to do with Russian Orthodox Christians living in the Ottoman Empire a few decades earlier. 108 These threats did not fall on deaf ears; Makhzan officials—including the sultan—exchanged an unusually large number of letters about the matter. 109 103 Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans, 225. 104 This, too, was something of a cause célèbre: see ibid., 209-13. 105 MAE Nantes, Tanger A 140, Vernouillet to Grand Vizier, no date. See also DAR, Yahūd, 32491, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 21 Shawwāl 1297, in which Bargāsh transmitted Vernouillet’s wishes to the sultan. For the American consul’s involvement, see USNA, reg. 84, v. 47, Felix A. Mathews to William M. Evarts (US Secretary of State), 29 September 1880 and 15 December 1880. 106 MAE Nantes, Tanger A 140, Vernouillet to Grand Vizier, no date. 107 Bargāsh reported to the sultan that the French ambassador told him secretly that if the qā’id of Ntifa were not punished, he would take all the Jews under his protection (DAR, Yahūd, 32491, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 21 Shawwāl 1297). 108 On the extension of collective protection to Christians in the Ottoman Empire, see G. Baer, “Imtiyāzāt,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, ed. P. Bearman, et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2003). 109 DAR, Yahūd, 32491, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 21 Shawwāl 1297; 32510, Mawlāy Ḥasan to Muḥammad Bargāsh, 26 Shawwāl 1297; 32715, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 8 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1297; 32716, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 10 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1297; 35132, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy 357

Mohammed Kenbib and Khalid Ben Srhir, on the other hand, explain that the Makhzan had<br />

simply followed the law in punishing Dahan for having illegal sexual relations with a Muslim<br />

woman. 98<br />

The details of this case are worth exploring, especially since two distinct narratives of the<br />

Ntifa events emerged following Dahan’s death. All agreed that Jacob Dahan was in the habit of<br />

distributing food to indigent Jews and Muslims during the famine of 1878-9. 99 After the famine,<br />

a Muslim woman chose to remain in his household as a sort of domestic servant. This<br />

arrangement aroused suspicions that Dahan had become sexually intimate with her, which would<br />

have constituted a violation of Islamic law (since Muslim women were not allowed to marry<br />

non-Muslim men, much less engage in extra-marital sexual acts with them). When the qā’id of<br />

Ntifa, ‘Abdallāh b. al-Ḥasan al-Ntīfī, found out about this, he summoned Dahan and punished<br />

him, either by beating him or by imprisoning him. At this point, the narratives diverge.<br />

One interpretation of events, promulgated by a group of Jews in Ntifa, their foreign allies,<br />

and the press, claimed that Dahan was severely beaten by al-Ntīfī and that he died from his<br />

wounds. The Jews of Ntifa were not even permitted to bury Dahan’s body until they sacrificed<br />

seven bulls to the Ntifa tribe and paid them eighty riyāls. 100 Dahan’s son initiated an appeal to<br />

foreigners by traveling to Tangier; once there, he earned the sympathies of the Italian, French,<br />

and British ambassadors. 101 Haim Benchimol, among the most prominent Jews in Tangier and<br />

indeed all of Morocco, mentioned Dahan’s murder in a letter to the AIU concerning recent<br />

mistreatment of Jews. 102 As with the Safi affair, the foreign press (including Le Petit<br />

98 Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans, 224-9: Ben-Srhir, Britain and Morocco, 193-6.<br />

99 On this famine, which lasted until 1884, see Holden, The Politics of Food in Modern Morocco, 7, 24-5.<br />

100 DAR, Yahūd, 32511, al-ḥazān Abnīr to Muḥammad b. al-‘Arabī b. al-Mukhtār, 28 Shawwāl 1297.<br />

101 See DAR, Yahūd, 32491, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy Ḥasan, 21 Shawwāl 1297.<br />

102 Fenton and Littman, L’exil au Maghreb, 509-11. The letter is dated October 7, 1880.<br />

356

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