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IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

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(li-‘adami iqrārihi).” Although the Makhzan correspondence did not name the Jewish suspects,<br />

we learn from elsewhere that they were Jacob (Akkan) Ben Yehudah (or Benhuda), Makhluf<br />

Aflalo, Sa‘diah Ben Moyal (Saïdo, Shido)—all Moroccan subjects—and Eliyahu Lalouche (or<br />

Elias Beneluz), an Ottoman subject probably from Tunisia. 69<br />

It soon became clear, however, that capital punishment had in fact been demanded by the<br />

Spanish authorities: “The Spanish ambassador requested that the two dhimmīs who are<br />

imprisoned in Safi be killed, just as their [the Spanish] official who was poisoned [was killed].” 70<br />

The Spanish had even threatened the Makhzan with attack should the sultan fail to execute the<br />

Jewish suspects. 71 This explanation makes sense given that Moroccan courts rarely sentenced<br />

murderers to death. Rather, as discussed in Chapter Five, the normal punishment for murder was<br />

the payment of blood money to the heirs of the deceased. Some of the foreign newspapers<br />

reporting on the affair even noted that the Spanish were in this instance more bloodthirsty than<br />

the Moroccans. 72<br />

Before the Makhzan authorities could fully comply with the Spanish ambassador’s<br />

request, a complication arose concerning the validity of the Jews’ confessions. One of the Jews<br />

69<br />

Littman, “Mission to Morocco,” 178-9; Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans, 124; Fenton and Littman, L’exil au Maghreb,<br />

397. Kenbib gives the names of two more Jews (Chalom el-Qaïm and Jacob Benharroche) who were also<br />

implicated but, it seems, imprisoned only briefly. Lalouche is described as a Turkish subject in the Moroccan<br />

sources. His father apparently had a passport issued in Gibraltar by Cardoza, the Tunisian consul there (Littman,<br />

“Mission to Morocco,” 181). However, Littman seems to think that Lalouche had been granted protection by<br />

Frederick Carstensen, the British consul in Safi. The Moroccan sources, on the other hand, clearly indicate that the<br />

British consular authorities were involved because they had agreed to look after the interests of Ottoman subjects in<br />

Morocco: see especially DAR, Safi, 4718, al-Ṭayyib b. Hīma to Muḥammad Bargāsh, 25 Rabī‘ I 1280.<br />

70<br />

Mā ṭalabahu bāshadūr al-ṣbanyūl [sic] min qatli al-dhimmīyayn al-maḥbūsayn bi-sijni Asafī fī mithli [sic] qatli<br />

amīnihim alladhī summima (DAR, Safi, 4713, al-Ṭayyib b. al-Yamānī to Muḥammad Bargāsh, 11 Rabī‘ I 1280).<br />

See also DAR, Safi, Muḥammad Bargāsh to al-Ṭayyib b. al-Yamānī, 27 Ṣafar 1280.<br />

71<br />

Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans, 126. Littman reports that Merry y Colom, the Spanish ambassador, sent a warship to<br />

Safi to demand Akkan’s execution; however, he does not come to the conclusion that the pressure to execute the<br />

Jews came primarily from Spain: Littman, “Mission to Morocco,” 188.<br />

72<br />

See, for instance, the article in The Jewish Chronicle, 6 November 1863, p. 6 (cited in Littman, “Mission to<br />

Morocco,” 180). Yet before Kenbib’s discussion of the Safi affair, historians tended to ignore this observation made<br />

by contemporaries in favor of an explanation that blamed the Moroccan authorities.<br />

350

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