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When ‘Amāra wrote to Sir John Drummand Hay, the British ambassador to Morocco, about the<br />

Jews’ demands, he was not initially very receptive. 42 Later, Jews appealed again to the Makhzan<br />

authorities as well as to the local British consul. 43 Eventually the British consulate withdrew its<br />

protection from Ginsburg. 44<br />

A few years later, the Jews of Fez came to their governor with a complaint about yet<br />

another Spaniard. 45 The trouble started when a man described as a renegade (‘ilj) 46 drew a knife<br />

during an argument with an Algerian Jewish shopkeeper. Other Jews who had witnessed the<br />

incident came to their coreligionist’s defense. They brought the man—who was reportedly<br />

drunk and who wore a red tarbush, a jellāba (Moroccan robe), and yellow babouches (slippers)—<br />

to the gatekeeper to be imprisoned. 47 Al-‘Arabī wuld Abī Muḥammad, the qā’id of Fez, reported<br />

thus on his efforts to interrogate the prisoner:<br />

I asked him where he was from, and he answered me but I did not understand his<br />

language. So someone who spoke his language came and spoke to him, and [the<br />

Spaniard] said that he was a Christian. Then I asked him where he was staying, and he<br />

said he was renting a house from ‘Alāl al-Shūsī [a Jew]… I asked him why he was<br />

42 Hay responded to ‘Amāra’s letter by saying that the British subjects had denied trying to convert any Jews, and<br />

that they reported having been the victims of abuse by Jews (DAR, Yahūd, 17240, John Drummond Hay to ‘Amāra<br />

b. ‘Abd al-Ṣadīq, 8 Muḥarram 1294).<br />

43 See the documents in Bashan, Ha-misyon ha-anglikani, 167-72.<br />

44 Ginsburg, who was born in Poland, had been naturalized as a British citizen, but John Drummond Hay concluded<br />

that this was not sufficient to afford him extraterritorial status in Morocco (see ibid., 69-70). This argument was<br />

highly unusual; Hay’s desire to strike Ginsburg from the list of British protégés was clearly a response to Jewish<br />

(and probably Makhzan) pressure to rein in his activities. Needless to say, this did not spell the end of Ginsburg’s<br />

efforts to convert the Jews in Morocco; Ginsburg continued to travel and proselytize in Morocco until 1886 (ibid.,<br />

100-12).<br />

45 Spaniards were over-represented among the Europeans against whom Moroccan Jews lodged complaints with the<br />

Makhzan. (See the incident from Tetuan discussed above, as well as DAR, Fez, Muḥammad Bargāsh to Mawlāy<br />

Ḥasan, 12 Sha‘bān 1296.) One possible explanation for this is that after the Spanish occupation of Tetuan in 1860-<br />

1, the number of Spaniards living in Morocco increased—especially those who were from the lower strata of<br />

society, who were probably easier targets for Jews’ complaints than were wealthy merchants who enjoyed<br />

connections to both foreign and Moroccan officials.<br />

46 ‘Ilj could also mean “lout,” however, given the fact that the Makhzan authorities originally believed the Spaniard<br />

was Muslim and then “found that he was not an ‘ilj but a Christian (bi-annahu naṣrānīyan wa-lā ‘iljan),” it seems<br />

likely that they are using ‘ilj to mean “renegade” in this context. De Premare’s dictionary of colloquial Moroccan<br />

Arabic translates ‘ilj as both “chrétien renégat converti à l’Islam” and as “homme de rien, individu dégradé,” (De<br />

Premare, Dictionnaire arabe-français, v. 9, 199).<br />

47 DAR, Fez, al-‘Arabī wuld Abī Muḥammad to Muḥammad b. al-‘Arabī, 17 Muḥarram 1299.<br />

344

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