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including courts—which were of primary importance in Jews’ lives. 55 The scholarship on<br />

Moroccan Jewish legal history similarly emphasizes the great degree of legal autonomy afforded<br />

Jews, as well as rabbinic leaders’ success in preventing non-Jewish courts from eroding their<br />

authority. 56<br />

The most direct challenge to previous paradigms of Jews’ relationship to non-Jewish law<br />

comes from historians working on Ottoman legal history. 57 Joseph Hacker makes a particularly<br />

55<br />

One reason that Goitein’s view of Jewish courts hewed more closely to that of his predecessors is that Goitein<br />

generally did not incorporate the Arabic-script sources into Mediterranean Society. On these sources, see esp.<br />

Geoffrey Khan, Arabic Legal and Administrative Documents in the Cambridge Genizah Collections (Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 1993).<br />

56<br />

See esp. Chouraqui, Condition juridique, 119-21; Zafrani, Les juifs du Maroc, esp. 117; idem, “Judaïsme<br />

d’occident musulman. Les relations judéo-musulmanes dans la littérature juridique. Le cas particulier du recours des<br />

tributaires juifs à la justice musulmane et aux autorités représentatives de l’état souverain,” Studia Islamica, no. 64<br />

(1986): 129-31; idem, Two Thousand Years of Jewish Life in Morocco (New York: Sephardic House, 2005), 126,<br />

75. Haim Zafrani echoed Goitein’s formulation, writing that Jews in Morocco constituted “a state not only within<br />

the Islamic state but sometimes beyond its frontiers” (ibid., 6). Shlomo Deshen discusses the limits of the authority<br />

of Jewish courts, but not in the context of being threatened by gentile legal institutions: Deshen, The Mellah Society,<br />

51-3. Jane Gerber offers a more nuanced view in her discussion of the ways in which Moroccan rabbis were at<br />

times forced to accommodate the use of non-Jewish courts in order to preserve the authority of their own legal<br />

institutions (Gerber, Jewish Society in Fez, 60-2). Yet even Gerber, much like Goitein, ultimately concludes that<br />

batei din functioned with a “large degree of autonomy granted under Islam” (ibid., 101). Eliezer Bashan comes to a<br />

similar conclusion: Bashan, Yahadut Maroko, 80-4, esp. 82-3.<br />

57<br />

In fact, Amnon Cohen was the first Jewish historian to make extensive use of Islamic court records (sijillāt):<br />

Amnon Cohen, Yehudei Yerushalayim ba-me’ah ha-shesh-‘esreh le-fi te‘udot Turkiyot shel beit ha-din ha-shara‘i<br />

(Jerusalem: Hotza'at Yad Yitzḥaq Ben Tzvi, 1976) (translated as Jewish Life under Islam: Jerusalem in the Sixteenth<br />

Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984)) and idem, A World Within: Jewish Life as Reflected in<br />

Muslim Court Documents from the Sijil of Jerusalem (XVIth Century), 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Center for Judaic<br />

Studies, University of Pennsylvania, 1994). (See also Haim Gerber, “Arkhiyon beit-ha-din ha-shara‘i shel Bursah<br />

ke-meqor histori le-toldot yehudei ha-‘ir,” Mi-qedem u-mi-yam 1 (1981), which is more of an introduction to the<br />

sources than a full-fledged analysis of social history.) However, Cohen is not particularly interested in legal history<br />

per se; rather, he uses the sijillāt primarily as a lens onto the social history of Jews in early modern Palestine<br />

(although he devotes one chapter to legal history: Cohen, Jewish Life under Islam, Chapter 6). Cohen went on to<br />

publish an extensive collection of documents pertaining to Jews from the Ottoman sharī‘a court of Jerusalem,<br />

though again these publications focus on the documents as sources for social history and do little to interpret their<br />

bearing on the legal history of Jews in Ottoman Palestine: Amnon Cohen and Elisheva Ben Shim‘on-Pikali, eds.,<br />

Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-muslami: Ḥevrah, kalkalah, ve-irgun qehilati be-Yerushalayim ha-Otomanit, hame’ah<br />

ha-16 (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1993); idem, eds., Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-muslami: Ḥevrah,<br />

kalkalah, ve-irgun qehilati be-Yerushalayim ha-Otomanit, ha-me’ah ha-18 (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1996);<br />

Amnon Cohen, ed. Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-muslami: Ḥevrah, kalkalah, ve-irgun qehilati be-Yerushalayim<br />

ha-Otomanit, ha-me’ah ha-19 (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 2003); Amnon Cohen and Elisheva Ben Shim‘on-<br />

Pikali, eds., Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-muslami: Ḥevrah, kalkalah, ve-irgun qehilati be-Yerushalayim ha-<br />

Otomanit, ha-me’ah ha-17, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 2010). In his focus on social history, Cohen’s<br />

use of sharī‘a court records followed a broader trend in Ottoman historiography: see, e.g., Raymond, Artisans et<br />

commerçants au Caire; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth<br />

21

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