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alternative framework to that of autonomy, one which allows us to understand how multiple<br />

legal orders coexisted not only in nineteenth-century Morocco but throughout Jewish history. 47<br />

The historiography on Jewish legal autonomy has generally fallen on one of two sides of<br />

a spectrum; an older generation which stresses the near-complete independence of Jewish courts,<br />

and a newer generation which counters this view by proposing the near-complete powerlessness<br />

(or even non-existence) of Jewish legal institutions. Jacob Katz’s description of the interplay<br />

between Jewish and non-Jewish law is perhaps the most famous articulation of the approach<br />

espoused by an earlier generation of Jewish historians. 48 Katz was most interested in how jurists<br />

navigated the challenge posed to Jewish law by non-Jewish legal systems and the ways in which<br />

rabbinic authorities attempted to prevent Jews from violating the Talmudic prohibition on<br />

bringing other Jews before non-Jewish courts. 49 Katz wrote that “an appeal to a non-Jewish<br />

court made with the consent of both parties was not always ruled out,” but that such an appeal<br />

was only permitted with the express permission of the rabbis. 50 He all but ignored the question<br />

of how Jews used non-Jewish courts when the matter at hand involved a non-Jew. 51<br />

The first generation of historians to examine the role of non-Jewish courts in the Islamic<br />

world did not stray far from Katz’s approach. These scholars drew primarily on responsa<br />

47<br />

Uriel Simonsohn has also used legal pluralism to great advantage: Uriel I. Simonsohn, A Common Justice: The<br />

Legal Allegiances of Christians and Jews under Early Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011).<br />

48<br />

Jacob Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance: Studies in Jewish-Gentile Relations in Medieval and Modern Times<br />

(Springfield, NJ: Behrman House, Inc., 1961), Chapter 5.<br />

49<br />

Ibid., 52-5. See also Simḥa Assaf, Batei ha-din ve-sidreihem aḥarei ḥatimat ha-Talmud (Jerusalem: Defus hapo‘alim,<br />

1924), 11-24; Louis Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages (New York: P. Feldheim,<br />

1964). David Shohet takes a somewhat different approach and stresses the relative openness of early medieval<br />

Jewish jurists towards non-Jewish courts, claiming that this attitude changed after the Crusades (David Menahem<br />

Shohet, The Jewish Court in the Middle Ages: Studies in Jewish Jurisprudence According to the Talmud, Geonic<br />

and Medieval German Responsa (New York: Hermon Press, 1931), 82-4, 95-104). For a more recent study of this<br />

question in greater detail, see Edward Fram, Ideals Face Reality: Jewish Law and Life in Poland, 1550-1655<br />

(Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1997).<br />

50<br />

Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance, 52. See also idem, Tradition and Crisis: Jewish Society at the End of the<br />

Middle Ages (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2000), 83.<br />

51<br />

Katz passes over the subject in a single sentence: “Relationships between Jews and non-Jews were, of course,<br />

entirely subject to non-Jewish authorities” (idem, Exclusiveness and Tolerance, 52).<br />

19

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