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officials saw their intervention on behalf of foreign nationals and protected persons as a useful<br />

tool with which to increase their influence in Morocco. The Makhzan, on the other hand,<br />

became increasingly concerned about the threat to its authority posed by the growing ranks of<br />

protégés. This conflict came to something of a head during the Madrid Conference of 1880,<br />

when representatives of eleven foreign nations and the Makhzan’s minister of foreign affairs<br />

convened with the stated goal of preventing abuses of protection. 20 Despite the adoption of a<br />

new treaty regulating diplomatic relations and the nature of extraterritoriality in Morocco, the<br />

status quo hardly shifted. 21 The Makhzan continued to protest the abuses of protection until<br />

colonization in 1912.<br />

The fact that so many Moroccan Muslims acquired patents of protection made the<br />

protégé system in Morocco distinct. In the Ottoman Empire, the vast majority of protégés were<br />

non-Muslims. 22 This is part of what leads Timur Kuran to argue that Muslims could not reap the<br />

advantages of forum shopping in consular courts, since for Muslims to acquire foreign protection<br />

would have signaled “a radical challenge to the Islamic legal system, which required them to live<br />

by Islamic law.” 23 In Morocco, some jurists argued that Muslims who acquired patents of<br />

protection were in violation of Islamic law. 24 Yet these protests this did not stop large numbers<br />

20<br />

On the Madrid Conference, see Bowie, “The Protégé System in Morocco”; Parsons, The Origins of the Morocco<br />

Question; Kenbib, Les protégés, 57-66. The eleven nations represented include: Austria-Hungary, Belgium,<br />

Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden-Norway, and the United States<br />

(ibid., 59).<br />

21<br />

As evidenced by calls for a second Madrid Conference as soon as 1887: see Frederick V. Parsons, “The Proposed<br />

Madrid Conference on Morocco, 1887-88,” Historical Journal 8, no. 1 (1965).<br />

22<br />

In fact, historiographical discussions of protection in the Ottoman Empire tend to describe all protégés as being<br />

non-Muslim (see Salahi R. Sonyel, “The Protégé System in the Ottoman Empire,” Journal of Islamic Studies 2, no.<br />

1 (1991); Van Den Boogert, The Capitulations and the Ottoman Legal System). Yet it seems to me unlikely that<br />

there were absolutely no Ottoman Muslims who acquired foreign protection (I am thinking in particular of guards<br />

and other employees of consulates), even if most protégés were non-Muslims.<br />

23<br />

Kuran, The Long Divergence, 204.<br />

24<br />

On the opposition of ‘ulamā’ to protection, see Ja‘far b. Idrīs al-Kattānī, Al-Dawāhī al-madhiyya li-’l-firaq almaḥmiyya<br />

: fī al-walā’ wa-’l-barā’ (Amman: Dār al-Bayāriq, 1998); Laroui, Origines, 315-17; al-Manūnī, Maẓāhir,<br />

276

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