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got along before their good relations were ruined by Western powers. Starting in the 1980s, a<br />

generation of historians began to draw extensively from the Moroccan state archives to write the<br />

history of Jews in Morocco. 40 These scholars focus largely on the role of the state, in part<br />

because of the nature of the archives (which consist mainly of official correspondence). They<br />

adopt a narrative in which Western interference—which they see as beginning in the nineteenth<br />

century and culminating in colonization—was largely to blame for dealing the death blow to the<br />

harmonious coexistence of Jews and Muslims. 41 Such an interpretation fits well with a<br />

nationalist narrative that pinpoints Western imperialism as the source of Morocco’s troubles.<br />

This Moroccan historiography is distinct from that of Arab authors writing in the Mashriq who<br />

largely blame Zionism for disrupting the good relations among Jews and Muslims. Nor do<br />

Moroccan historians incorporate anti-Semitic stereotypes into their scholarship. 42 While there is<br />

no question that Moroccan scholars of Jewish history have made significant contributions to the<br />

field, this historiography nonetheless perpetuates the view that tolerance more or less reigned<br />

supreme among Jews and Muslims in early modern Morocco until it was ruined by an outside<br />

force. 43<br />

40<br />

See especially Germain Ayache, “La recherche au Maroc sur l’histoire du judaisme marocain,” in Identité et<br />

dialogue : Juifs du Maroc (Paris: La pensée sauvage, 1980), 34-5, where Ayache both calls for more researchers to<br />

use Moroccan archives in studying the history of Jews in Morocco and asserts that doing so will present a counternarrative<br />

to the neo-lachrymose histories of Moroccan Jews.<br />

41<br />

See esp. Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans; idem, “Muslim-Jewish Relations in XIXth Century Morocco: A Historical<br />

Approach,” in Cultural Studies, Interdisciplinarity, and the University, ed. Mohamed Dahbi, Mohamed Ezroura, and<br />

Lahcen Haddad (Rabat: Publications of the Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, 1996); ‘Umar Afa, Tārīkh al-<br />

Maghrib al-Mu‘āṣir : Dirāsāt fī al-maṣādir wa-’l-mujtama‘ wa-’l-iqtiṣād (Casablanca: Maṭba‘at al-najāḥ al-jadīda,<br />

2002), 189-92; ‘Abdallāh Laghmā’īd, “Jamā‘āt yahūd Sūs : al-Majāl wa-’l-tamaththulāt al-ijtimā‘īya wa-’l-siyāsīya,<br />

1860-1960” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Université Mohammed V, 2002), e.g. 4-6, 128; Ben-Srhir, Britain and Morocco,<br />

158-66; Aḥmad Shaḥlān, Al-Yahūd al-Maghāriba : min manbit al-uṣūl ilā riyāḥ al-furqa : qirāʼah fī al-mawrūth<br />

wa-’l-aḥdāth (Rabat: Dār Abī Raqrāq lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-’l-Nashr, 2009), 82-9. For a similar argument concerning<br />

Egyptian Jews, see, Joel Beinin, The Dispersion of Egyptian Jewry: Culture, Politics, and the Formation of a<br />

Modern Diaspora (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).<br />

42<br />

On this, see Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross, 6-8.<br />

43<br />

See also Abdelhamid Larguèche, Les ombres de la ville : pauvres, marginaux et minoritaires à Tunis, XVIIIème et<br />

XIXème siècles (Manouba: Centre de publication universitaire, Faculté des lettres de Manouba, 1999), 347-92.<br />

16

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