IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
address throughout the dissertation. However, this project focuses on which kinds of cases individuals brought to which legal institutions and the nature of their experience in those institutions. The focus on institutional histories has also meant that few scholars have explored how different legal institutions fit together in a legal system with various coexisting and overlapping legal orders. The relative abundance of sharī‘a court records from many parts of the Ottoman Empire has meant that sharī‘a courts have garnered the lion’s share of scholarly attention, to the exclusion of other legal institutions such as the divan-ı hümayun (which functioned as a central court of appeal) and, starting in the nineteenth century, the nizamiye courts (created as part of the reforms known as the Tanzimat). 24 Those scholars who are interested in the plurality of Ottoman law have tended to focus on the ways in which the sharī‘a was modified or supplemented by the qānūn (or kanun, law enacted by the state) at the level of substantive law. 25 However, few historians have examined how the multiple legal institutions existing in the Ottoman Empire worked alongside one another and, at times, together. 26 While Ottoman subjects certainly used sharī‘a courts extensively, they also had a number of other options for resolving their legal disputes, such as petitioning the sultan, turning to provincial administrators for legal decisions, 24 Important exception include Rubin, Ottoman Nizamiye Courts, and Omri Paz, “Crime, Criminals, and the Ottoman State: Anatolia between the late 1830s and the late 1860s” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Tel Aviv University, 2010). 25 See, e.g., Jennings, “Limitations of the Judicial Powers of the Kadi,” 164-71; Gerber, “Sharia, Kanun and Custom in the Ottoman Law,” 137-9; idem, State, Society, and Law, Chapter 2; Colin Imber, Ebu’s-su‘ud: The Islamic Legal Tradition (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997); Rudolph Peters, Crime and Punishment in Islamic Law: Theory and Practice from the Sixteenth to the Twenty-first Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 74-5, 92-102. Haim Gerber even goes so far as to imply that sharī‘a courts were the exclusive arenas for dispute resolution (in Gerber, State, Society, and Law). 26 Although Ergene discusses the need to focus on the existence of multiple paths to legal resolution, his chapter on this subject is more of a preliminary exploration than a comprehensive account: Ergene, Local Court in the Ottoman Empire, Chapter 9. Exceptions to this trend include Uriel Heyd, Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), Chapter 2 and James E. Baldwin, “Islamic Law in an Ottoman context: Resolving Disputes in Late 17th/ Early 18th-Century Cairo” (Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 2010). 10
and, for some individuals, appealing to the consulates of foreign states—not to mention the courts run by religious minorities, including Jews and various Christian sects. The sheer complexity of the Ottoman context makes it difficult to understand how these various legal fora fit together. The size of the empire and the diversity of its subjects, both ethnically and religiously, make generalizing almost impossible. Even a micro-historical approach can pose challenges, including the sparse evidence for the functioning of non-sharī‘a courts and the large number of languages required to work with sources from the empire’s many religious communities. 27 Morocco, on the other hand, presents a far more simplified case. It is smaller in size and less religiously diverse than the Ottoman Empire (since indigenous Christians had either left or converted to Islam by the late medieval period), making it feasible to study the various legal institutions which coexisted in Morocco at once. I further reduce the scope of my inquiry by focusing on Jews, which allows me to understand how one category of legal actors navigated the multiple legal orders available to them. In order to explore the intersections between the different legal orders that existed in Morocco I draw on the framework of legal pluralism. (I discuss my approach to legal pluralism in detail below.) I am especially interested in the ways in which sharī‘a courts interacted with the other legal institutions with which they coexisted and to some extent competed. In my exploration of Jews’ use of sharī‘a courts, I examine how Jews moved back and forth between these institutions and batei din (Jewish courts which applied halakhah, Jewish law). I argue that not only did these two legal orders provide parallel services—often simultaneously—they also actively cooperated with one another by upholding each other’s legal doctrines. In looking at the 27 On the scarcity of sources for non-sharī‘a courts, see idem, “Islamic Law in an Ottoman context,” 3-4. A study of all the legal orders that existed in Ottoman Istanbul, for instance, would require knowledge of Ottoman, Hebrew, Judeo-Spanish, Greek, Armenian, and various European languages. 11
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address throughout the dissertation. However, this project focuses on which kinds of cases<br />
individuals brought to which legal institutions and the nature of their experience in those<br />
institutions.<br />
The focus on institutional histories has also meant that few scholars have explored how<br />
different legal institutions fit together in a legal system with various coexisting and overlapping<br />
legal orders. The relative abundance of sharī‘a court records from many parts of the Ottoman<br />
Empire has meant that sharī‘a courts have garnered the lion’s share of scholarly attention, to the<br />
exclusion of other legal institutions such as the divan-ı hümayun (which functioned as a central<br />
court of appeal) and, starting in the nineteenth century, the nizamiye courts (created as part of the<br />
reforms known as the Tanzimat). 24 Those scholars who are interested in the plurality of Ottoman<br />
law have tended to focus on the ways in which the sharī‘a was modified or supplemented by the<br />
qānūn (or kanun, law enacted by the state) at the level of substantive law. 25 However, few<br />
historians have examined how the multiple legal institutions existing in the Ottoman Empire<br />
worked alongside one another and, at times, together. 26 While Ottoman subjects certainly used<br />
sharī‘a courts extensively, they also had a number of other options for resolving their legal<br />
disputes, such as petitioning the sultan, turning to provincial administrators for legal decisions,<br />
24<br />
Important exception include Rubin, Ottoman Nizamiye Courts, and Omri Paz, “Crime, Criminals, and the<br />
Ottoman State: Anatolia between the late 1830s and the late 1860s” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Tel Aviv University, 2010).<br />
25<br />
See, e.g., Jennings, “Limitations of the Judicial Powers of the Kadi,” 164-71; Gerber, “Sharia, Kanun and Custom<br />
in the Ottoman Law,” 137-9; idem, State, Society, and Law, Chapter 2; Colin Imber, Ebu’s-su‘ud: The Islamic Legal<br />
Tradition (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997); Rudolph Peters, Crime and Punishment in Islamic Law:<br />
Theory and Practice from the Sixteenth to the Twenty-first Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005),<br />
74-5, 92-102. Haim Gerber even goes so far as to imply that sharī‘a courts were the exclusive arenas for dispute<br />
resolution (in Gerber, State, Society, and Law).<br />
26<br />
Although Ergene discusses the need to focus on the existence of multiple paths to legal resolution, his chapter on<br />
this subject is more of a preliminary exploration than a comprehensive account: Ergene, Local Court in the Ottoman<br />
Empire, Chapter 9. Exceptions to this trend include Uriel Heyd, Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law (Oxford:<br />
Oxford University Press, 1973), Chapter 2 and James E. Baldwin, “Islamic Law in an Ottoman context: Resolving<br />
Disputes in Late 17th/ Early 18th-Century Cairo” (Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 2010).<br />
10