IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
which they are inextricably tied.” 16 Yet ultimately Rosen echoes Weber in arguing that Islamic law does not depend on careful adherence to a doctrine and body of laws, emphasizing instead the role of culture and custom. 17 Powers, on the other hand, argues that qādīs’ decisions were bound by legal doctrine. 18 He disputes Rosen’s image of the Moroccan qāḍī drawing on his personal knowledge of custom and local society and stresses the extent to which legal authorities followed the internal logic of Islamic law as set forth in juridical literature. Ultimately, however, both Rosen and Powers are primarily interested in how qāḍīs make legal decisions. 19 Their approach tells us little about how sharī‘a courts functioned as institutions or about the experience of the individuals who frequented those courts. Rosen’s focus on judicial discretion was a choice, since as an ethnographer he could have asked different kinds of questions during his time observing the qāḍī’s court in Sefrou. But for Powers’s study, this focus is largely determined by his source base. Since archival records are not available for the late medieval period, Powers had to rely exclusively on juridical literature. Yet even for the early modern period, for which archival sources are available, the historiography of law in Morocco has yet to navigate the archival turn which so transformed Ottoman legal history. 20 Without an examination of the documentation produced by courts, the operation and significance 16 Rosen, The Anthropology of Justice, 18-19. 17 Rosen understands the role of the qāḍī as putting individuals back into situations in which they can regulate their own social relations, rather than applying a complex body of juridical literature. He argues that qādīs oversee a judicial process determined by Islamic law; the content of that process, however, is supplied by local custom (ibid., 67). See also idem, The Justice of Islam: Comparative Perspectives on Islamic Law and Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 13, 22-33. 18 Powers, Law, Society, and Culture, esp. Chapter 1. 19 This is also true of Jacques Berque’s influential work on law: Jacques Berque, Les Nawâzil el muzâra‘a du Mi‘yâr Al Wazzânī ; étude et traduction (Rabat: Editions Felix Moncho, 1940); idem, Essai sur la méthode juridique maghrébine (Rabat: 1944). 20 This is demonstrated by three recent dissertations on the legal history of Morocco, all of which rely on judicial literature rather than archival evidence: Etty Terem, “The New Mi‘yar of al-Mahdi al-Wazzani: Local Interpretation of Family Life in Late Nineteenth-Century Fez” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 2007); Jocelyn N. Hendrickson, “The Islamic Obligation to Emigrate: Al-Wansharīsī’s Asnā al-matājir Reconsidered” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Emory University, 2009); Alan Verskin, “Early Islamic Legal Responses to Living under Christian Rule: Reconquista-Era Development and 19th-Century Impact in the Maghrib” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton University, 2010). 8
of these institutions remain opaque. The importance of the present study, then, lies partly in its use of archival documents to reconstruct the functioning of Moroccan legal institutions. In addition to undertaking the first institutional history of courts in pre-colonial North Africa, this dissertation also suggests new directions for the study of law in the Islamic Mediterranean. The historiographical context in which I intervene is that of Ottoman history, where historians interested in law have been drawing on archival sources for decades. Whereas the first studies based on Ottoman sharī‘a court records mined them for details about quotidian life and social history, 21 historians soon became interested in law itself and began drawing on the Ottoman archives to reconstruct the functioning of sharī‘a courts. 22 Yet interest in the functioning of law itself—rather than using legal sources to write social history—has translated into a focus on institutional history which largely ignores the experiences of legal actors. 23 My approach instead examines how individuals engaged with Moroccan legal institutions and made decisions about which legal forums to use and when. This does not mean that I ignore the institutional history of courts in Morocco, nor that I am uninterested in the ways in which these courts interacted with the central government; on the contrary, these are both topics which I 21 See esp. André Raymond, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIème siècle, 2 vols. (Damascus: Institut français de Damas, 1973). 22 See, e.g., Ronald C. Jennings, “Kadi, Court, and Legal Procedure in 17th C. Ottoman Kayseri: The Kadi and the Legal System,” Studia Islamica 48 (1978); idem, “Limitations of the Judicial Powers of the Kadi in 17th C. Ottoman Kayseri,” Studia Islamica 50 (1979); Haim Gerber, “Sharia, Kanun and Custom in the Ottoman Law: The Court Records of 17th Century Bursa,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 2, no. 1 (1981). The relationship between sharī‘a courts and the central government has constituted a particularly fruitful field of inquiry; Leslie Peirce’s work, for instance, shows how sharī‘a courts played a central role in the process of Ottomanization during the sixteenth century: Peirce, Morality Tales. 23 In recent years, there has been fruitful attention to the culture of Ottoman courts and an effort to situate the archival records in the historical context in which they were created. See esp. Dror Ze’evi, "The Use of Ottoman Sharī‘a Court Records as a Source for Middle Eastern Social History: A Reappraisal," Islamic Law and Society 5, no. 1 (1998); Iris Agmon, “Recording Procedures and Legal Culture in the Late Ottoman Shari‘a Court of Jaffa,” Islamic Law and Society 11, no. 3 (2004); idem, Family and Court, esp. Chapter 3. Boğaç Ergene is one of the few scholars to call for more attention to the perspective of legal actors: Boğaç Ergene, Local Court, Provincial Society and Justice in the Ottoman Empire: Legal Practice and Dispute Resolution in Çankırı and Kastamonu (1652-1744) (Leiden: Brill, 2003). Ultimately, however, Ergene’s most powerful arguments concern the nature of the courts, rather than the experience of individuals (see, e.g., Chapters 3, 4, and 5). 9
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of these institutions remain opaque. The importance of the present study, then, lies partly in its<br />
use of archival documents to reconstruct the functioning of Moroccan legal institutions.<br />
In addition to undertaking the first institutional history of courts in pre-colonial North<br />
Africa, this dissertation also suggests new directions for the study of law in the Islamic<br />
Mediterranean. The historiographical context in which I intervene is that of Ottoman history,<br />
where historians interested in law have been drawing on archival sources for decades. Whereas<br />
the first studies based on Ottoman sharī‘a court records mined them for details about quotidian<br />
life and social history, 21 historians soon became interested in law itself and began drawing on the<br />
Ottoman archives to reconstruct the functioning of sharī‘a courts. 22 Yet interest in the<br />
functioning of law itself—rather than using legal sources to write social history—has translated<br />
into a focus on institutional history which largely ignores the experiences of legal actors. 23 My<br />
approach instead examines how individuals engaged with Moroccan legal institutions and made<br />
decisions about which legal forums to use and when. This does not mean that I ignore the<br />
institutional history of courts in Morocco, nor that I am uninterested in the ways in which these<br />
courts interacted with the central government; on the contrary, these are both topics which I<br />
21<br />
See esp. André Raymond, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIème siècle, 2 vols. (Damascus: Institut<br />
français de Damas, 1973).<br />
22<br />
See, e.g., Ronald C. Jennings, “Kadi, Court, and Legal Procedure in 17th C. Ottoman Kayseri: The Kadi and the<br />
Legal System,” Studia Islamica 48 (1978); idem, “Limitations of the Judicial Powers of the Kadi in 17th C. Ottoman<br />
Kayseri,” Studia Islamica 50 (1979); Haim Gerber, “Sharia, Kanun and Custom in the Ottoman Law: The Court<br />
Records of 17th Century Bursa,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 2, no. 1 (1981). The relationship between<br />
sharī‘a courts and the central government has constituted a particularly fruitful field of inquiry; Leslie Peirce’s work,<br />
for instance, shows how sharī‘a courts played a central role in the process of Ottomanization during the sixteenth<br />
century: Peirce, Morality Tales.<br />
23<br />
In recent years, there has been fruitful attention to the culture of Ottoman courts and an effort to situate the<br />
archival records in the historical context in which they were created. See esp. Dror Ze’evi, "The Use of Ottoman<br />
Sharī‘a Court Records as a Source for Middle Eastern Social History: A Reappraisal," Islamic Law and Society 5,<br />
no. 1 (1998); Iris Agmon, “Recording Procedures and Legal Culture in the Late Ottoman Shari‘a Court of Jaffa,”<br />
Islamic Law and Society 11, no. 3 (2004); idem, Family and Court, esp. Chapter 3. Boğaç Ergene is one of the few<br />
scholars to call for more attention to the perspective of legal actors: Boğaç Ergene, Local Court, Provincial Society<br />
and Justice in the Ottoman Empire: Legal Practice and Dispute Resolution in Çankırı and Kastamonu (1652-1744)<br />
(Leiden: Brill, 2003). Ultimately, however, Ergene’s most powerful arguments concern the nature of the courts,<br />
rather than the experience of individuals (see, e.g., Chapters 3, 4, and 5).<br />
9