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which they are inextricably tied.” 16 Yet ultimately Rosen echoes Weber in arguing that Islamic<br />

law does not depend on careful adherence to a doctrine and body of laws, emphasizing instead<br />

the role of culture and custom. 17 Powers, on the other hand, argues that qādīs’ decisions were<br />

bound by legal doctrine. 18 He disputes Rosen’s image of the Moroccan qāḍī drawing on his<br />

personal knowledge of custom and local society and stresses the extent to which legal authorities<br />

followed the internal logic of Islamic law as set forth in juridical literature.<br />

Ultimately, however, both Rosen and Powers are primarily interested in how qāḍīs make<br />

legal decisions. 19 Their approach tells us little about how sharī‘a courts functioned as<br />

institutions or about the experience of the individuals who frequented those courts. Rosen’s<br />

focus on judicial discretion was a choice, since as an ethnographer he could have asked different<br />

kinds of questions during his time observing the qāḍī’s court in Sefrou. But for Powers’s study,<br />

this focus is largely determined by his source base. Since archival records are not available for<br />

the late medieval period, Powers had to rely exclusively on juridical literature. Yet even for the<br />

early modern period, for which archival sources are available, the historiography of law in<br />

Morocco has yet to navigate the archival turn which so transformed Ottoman legal history. 20<br />

Without an examination of the documentation produced by courts, the operation and significance<br />

16<br />

Rosen, The Anthropology of Justice, 18-19.<br />

17<br />

Rosen understands the role of the qāḍī as putting individuals back into situations in which they can regulate their<br />

own social relations, rather than applying a complex body of juridical literature. He argues that qādīs oversee a<br />

judicial process determined by Islamic law; the content of that process, however, is supplied by local custom (ibid.,<br />

67). See also idem, The Justice of Islam: Comparative Perspectives on Islamic Law and Society (New York: Oxford<br />

University Press, 2000), 13, 22-33.<br />

18<br />

Powers, Law, Society, and Culture, esp. Chapter 1.<br />

19<br />

This is also true of Jacques Berque’s influential work on law: Jacques Berque, Les Nawâzil el muzâra‘a du Mi‘yâr<br />

Al Wazzânī ; étude et traduction (Rabat: Editions Felix Moncho, 1940); idem, Essai sur la méthode juridique<br />

maghrébine (Rabat: 1944).<br />

20<br />

This is demonstrated by three recent dissertations on the legal history of Morocco, all of which rely on judicial<br />

literature rather than archival evidence: Etty Terem, “The New Mi‘yar of al-Mahdi al-Wazzani: Local Interpretation<br />

of Family Life in Late Nineteenth-Century Fez” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 2007); Jocelyn N.<br />

Hendrickson, “The Islamic Obligation to Emigrate: Al-Wansharīsī’s Asnā al-matājir Reconsidered” (Ph.D.<br />

Dissertation, Emory University, 2009); Alan Verskin, “Early Islamic Legal Responses to Living under Christian<br />

Rule: Reconquista-Era Development and 19th-Century Impact in the Maghrib” (Ph.D. Dissertation, <strong>Princeton</strong><br />

University, 2010).<br />

8

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