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put it, “in all medieval Muslim states, subjects with a grievance had the right to approach the<br />

ruler and submit to him, or his deputies, their petitions; this was an important means of making<br />

justice prevail, which was, theoretically at least, the chief raison d’être of rulership.” 45 In<br />

petitioning their sovereign, dhimmīs were not very different from their Muslim neighbors, except<br />

that the state was in some ways doubly obligated to protect the rights of its non-Muslim subjects<br />

as reflected in the dhimma contract.<br />

The symbolic power of successfully protecting the weak provided an additional motive<br />

for ensuring justice for dhimmīs. Protecting Jews was an important way in which the ruler<br />

demonstrated his strength. Aḥmad b. Khālid al-Nāṣirī, Morocco’s most famous nineteenth-<br />

century historian, summed up the success of Mawlāy Ismā‘īl’s reign (1684-1727) in these words:<br />

When a woman or a dhimmī traveled from Oujda [in the northeast] to Wādī Nūl [in the<br />

southwest], they would not find anyone asking them from where they had come or where<br />

they were going… not a thief nor a highway robber was found in the country during this<br />

time. 46<br />

In other words, according to al-Nāṣirī, a sultan demonstrated his power by his ability to<br />

guarantee even the safety of dhimmīs, who, like women, were among the most vulnerable<br />

members of society. Of course, al-Nāṣirī had his own motivations for penning this description of<br />

idem, “A Petition to the Fāṭimid Caliph al-Mustanṣir Concerning a Conflict within the Jewish Community,” Révue<br />

des Etudes Juives 128 (1969); Cohen, Jewish Self-Government, 261-63; Marina Rustow, “At the Limits of<br />

Communal Autonomy: Jewish Bids for Intervention from the Mamluk State,” Mamluk Studies Review 13, no. 2<br />

(2009). On collective petitions in particular, see Goitein, “Petitions to the Fatimid Caliphs,” 32-38 and Stern, “A<br />

Petition to the Fāṭimid Caliph,” 212-13. On petitions by Christian monks during the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods,<br />

see idem, “Petitions from the Ayyubid Period,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 27, no. 1<br />

(1964) and idem, “Petitions from the Mamluk Period (Notes on the Mamluk Documents from Sinai),” Bulletin of the<br />

School of Oriental and African Studies 29, no. 2 (1966). On a petition by Jews during the Mamluk period, see Mark<br />

R. Cohen, “Jews in the Mamluk Environment: The Crisis of 1442 (A Geniza Study),” Bulletin of the School of<br />

Oriental and African Studies 47, no. 3 (1984). On petitions by Jews to the Ottoman central government, see<br />

Ursinus, Şikayet in an Ottoman Province, 27-30; Wittmann, “Before Qadi and Vizier,” Chapter 2.<br />

45<br />

Stern, “Petitions from the Mamluk Period,” 237. See also Ursinus, Şikayet in an Ottoman Province, 3-5. On<br />

petitions by Muslims in Egypt, see John Chalcraft, “Engaging the State: Peasants and Petitions in Egypt on the Eve<br />

of Colonial Rule,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 37 (2005); Baldwin, “Islamic Law in an<br />

Ottoman context,” Chapter 2; idem, “Petitioning the Sultan in Ottoman Egypt,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental<br />

and African Studies 75, no. 3 (2012).<br />

46<br />

Aḥmad b. Khālid al-Nāṣirī, Kitāb al-istiqṣā' li-akhbār duwal al-Maghrib al-aqṣā, 9 vols. (Casablanca: Dār al-<br />

Kuttāb, 1956), v. 7, 97.<br />

163

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