IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
“The supreme judicial authority was, at least theoretically, vested in the Sultan himself….What part each [judicial official] played in fact cannot easily be established. Not until the reforms of the nineteenth century was any attempt made to introduce a clear division of powers, unknown to traditional Islam, between the executive and the judiciary.” 21 Some scholars have found that Ottoman kadıs (qāḍīs) normally had sole jurisdiction (or nearly so) over even criminal cases, though it seems that there was a fair amount of variation according to place and time. 22 A similarly loose division of jurisdictions between sharī‘a courts and Makhzan courts existed in Morocco. A. Péretié, who wrote one of most detailed studies of the Moroccan judicial system before 1912, contrasted the strict division between the judicial and administrative branches in Europe with the “state of anarchy” which reigned in Morocco. 23 Contemporary European observers tended to conclude that the Makhzan tribunals were responsible for criminal cases and some commercial matters, mostly consisting of unpaid debts. 24 Subsequently, the 21 Heyd, Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law, 208. Heyd notes that theoretically, Islamic law required that administrative authorities only punish and judge when cases were clear cut—otherwise they were supposed to submit the case to a qāḍī. However, this was rarely observed in practice (211). On nineteenth century judicial reforms, see Rudolph Peters, “Islamic and Secular Criminal Justice in Nineteenth-Century Egypt: The Role and Function of the Qadi,” Islamic Law and Society 4, no. 1 (1997); Rubin, Ottoman Nizamiye Courts. 22 Jennings notes that military governors seemingly had little involvement in judicial proceedings in seventeenthcentury Kayseri: Jennings, “Kadi, Court, and Legal Procedure,” 162-64. He also observes that in many places during the seventeenth century, the kadıs were relatively independent from the rest of the state and that the sultan avoided interfering in the judgments of kadı courts (idem, “Limitations of the Judicial Powers of the Kadi,” 152-3, 65). Michael Hickok observes that governors and kadıs had complementary and to some extent overlapping jurisdiction over murder cases in eighteenth-century Bosnia, but that there was a trend to increase the scope of the kadı’s jurisdiction: Michael Hickok, “Homicide in Ottoman Bosnia,” in The Ottoman Balkans, ed. Frederick F. Anscombe (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2006), 40, 44. The jurisdictions of the governor and the kadı in early modern Salonica were similarly blurred: Ginio, “Criminal Justice in Ottoman Salonica,” 200. In eighteenthcentury Egypt, the pasha’s diwān functioned as a court whose jurisdiction overlapped significantly with that of the local sharī‘a courts: Baldwin, “Islamic Law in an Ottoman context,” 39-44. Even more interesting is the fact that the Egyptian pasha’s diwān applied sharī‘a and followed its rules of procedure and evidence (ibid., 44). 23 A. Péretié, “L’organisation judiciaire au Maroc,” Revue du monde musulman 13, no. 3 (1911): 510. 24 Maeterlinck, “Les institutions juridiques au Maroc,” 477: Péretié, “L’organisation judiciaire au Maroc,” 516, 24. European observers in the sixteenth century drew similar conclusions: see Fernando Rodríguez Mediano, “Justice, crime et châtiment au Maroc au 16e siècle,” Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 51, no. 3 (1996): 616. Aubin wrote that the Makhzan official was responsible for “all matters that do not enter the province of the religious law” (Aubin, Morocco of To-Day, 216). Louis Mercier is an exception in noting that some criminal cases were judged by qāḍīs: “La competence du qāḍī, en tant que juge, est des plus étendues ; toutefois, il ne juge, en matière de simple police et en matière criminelle, que les causes que le qāïd veut bien lui confier” (Louis Mercier, “L’administration 156
elatively scant work on the legal history of nineteenth-century Morocco has tended to echo this view—that is, that Makhzan courts presided over all criminal and some commercial cases. 25 The evidence from the Makhzan archives, and especially the Ministry of Complaints records, suggests that it would be a mistake to impose any strict division of jurisdiction between sharī‘a courts and Makhzan courts. Rather, criminal cases such as theft and murder were dealt with by both Makhzan officials and sharī‘a courts. Similarly, the sultan often sent cases of debt—which earlier scholars agreed were largely under the purview of the qā’ids—to be settled by a qāḍī. Some cases ended up first in one kind of court and then in another. 26 Although the sources do not permit conclusive statements about the exact role played by Makhzan courts, it is clear that the fuzziness separating Makhzan and qāḍī courts was even more pronounced than scholars have indicated. Perhaps the best understanding we can reach of the state’s role in the Moroccan legal system is that many types of cases, both civil and criminal, could be brought before both sharī‘a and Makhzan courts. 27 marocaine à Rabat,” Archives Marocaines 7 (1906): 394). Rober-Raynaud similarly claimed that while the Makhzan courts had jurisdiction over criminal affairs, individuals could always request to be judged in a sharī‘a court—a request which could not be refused: Rober-Raynaud, “La justice indigène au Maroc,” Renseignements coloniaux 35 (1925): 582. 25 André Cabanis, “La justice du chrâa et la justice makhzen,” in La justice au Maroc, ed. François-Paul Blanc and et al (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires de Perpignan et Presse de l’Université des sciences sociales de Toulouse, 1998), 57. 26 See, e.g., FO, 174/221, 15 July 1849 (concerning a Jew named Abram Bensadon who was initially imprisoned by the pasha, released, and then subsequently summoned by the qāḍī and sentenced to prison once again); DAR, Fez, 12 Rabī‘ II 1301 (a legal document which explains that the case at hand was originally brought before the pasha, and then subsequently before a sharī‘a court). 27 The relationship between the Makhzan as a judicial authority and sharī‘a courts in some ways relates to the debate in Moroccan historiography concerning the relationship among ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and the Makhzan. (See especially Jacques Berque, Al-Yousi : problèmes de la culture marocaine au XVIIème siècle (Paris: Mouton, 1958); Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 29-55; Henry Munson, Religion and Power in Morocco (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), Chapter 1; Bazzaz, Forgotten Saints.) That debate, however, focuses mainly on ‘ulamā’ and the sultan as political actors, whereas my interest here is in the Makhzan and ‘ulamā’ as legal actors—that is, as legal authorities in their roles as judges and arbiters of appeal. Nonetheless, my work bears on the broader debate insomuch as it suggests a heretofore largely ignored dimension of the relationship among Makhzan officials and the ‘ulamā’—that is, in their respective roles as judicial authorities. 157
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elatively scant work on the legal history of nineteenth-century Morocco has tended to echo this<br />
view—that is, that Makhzan courts presided over all criminal and some commercial cases. 25<br />
The evidence from the Makhzan archives, and especially the Ministry of Complaints<br />
records, suggests that it would be a mistake to impose any strict division of jurisdiction between<br />
sharī‘a courts and Makhzan courts. Rather, criminal cases such as theft and murder were dealt<br />
with by both Makhzan officials and sharī‘a courts. Similarly, the sultan often sent cases of<br />
debt—which earlier scholars agreed were largely under the purview of the qā’ids—to be settled<br />
by a qāḍī. Some cases ended up first in one kind of court and then in another. 26 Although the<br />
sources do not permit conclusive statements about the exact role played by Makhzan courts, it is<br />
clear that the fuzziness separating Makhzan and qāḍī courts was even more pronounced than<br />
scholars have indicated. Perhaps the best understanding we can reach of the state’s role in the<br />
Moroccan legal system is that many types of cases, both civil and criminal, could be brought<br />
before both sharī‘a and Makhzan courts. 27<br />
marocaine à Rabat,” Archives Marocaines 7 (1906): 394). Rober-Raynaud similarly claimed that while the<br />
Makhzan courts had jurisdiction over criminal affairs, individuals could always request to be judged in a sharī‘a<br />
court—a request which could not be refused: Rober-Raynaud, “La justice indigène au Maroc,” Renseignements<br />
coloniaux 35 (1925): 582.<br />
25<br />
André Cabanis, “La justice du chrâa et la justice makhzen,” in La justice au Maroc, ed. François-Paul Blanc and<br />
et al (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires de Perpignan et Presse de l’Université des sciences sociales de Toulouse,<br />
1998), 57.<br />
26<br />
See, e.g., FO, 174/221, 15 July 1849 (concerning a Jew named Abram Bensadon who was initially imprisoned by<br />
the pasha, released, and then subsequently summoned by the qāḍī and sentenced to prison once again); DAR, Fez,<br />
12 Rabī‘ II 1301 (a legal document which explains that the case at hand was originally brought before the pasha, and<br />
then subsequently before a sharī‘a court).<br />
27<br />
The relationship between the Makhzan as a judicial authority and sharī‘a courts in some ways relates to the debate<br />
in Moroccan historiography concerning the relationship among ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and the Makhzan. (See<br />
especially Jacques Berque, Al-Yousi : problèmes de la culture marocaine au XVIIème siècle (Paris: Mouton, 1958);<br />
Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia (New Haven: Yale University<br />
Press, 1968), 29-55; Henry Munson, Religion and Power in Morocco (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993),<br />
Chapter 1; Bazzaz, Forgotten Saints.) That debate, however, focuses mainly on ‘ulamā’ and the sultan as political<br />
actors, whereas my interest here is in the Makhzan and ‘ulamā’ as legal actors—that is, as legal authorities in their<br />
roles as judges and arbiters of appeal. Nonetheless, my work bears on the broader debate insomuch as it suggests a<br />
heretofore largely ignored dimension of the relationship among Makhzan officials and the ‘ulamā’—that is, in their<br />
respective roles as judicial authorities.<br />
157