IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ... IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...
made to swear the oath of payment despite the fact that the defendant pleaded guilty to owing the outstanding debt, even though this went against all apparent rules of Islamic legal procedure. 180 Studies of law in pre-colonial and colonial North Africa noted the extent to which Muslims generally sought to avoid swearing oaths, 181 an observation that held just as true for Jews. 182 Lawrence Rosen’s account of the reluctance to take oaths in twentieth-century Morocco may shed some light on the considerations shaping the decisions of actors in the nineteenth century. Rosen notes that in addition to the simple fear of divine judgment should one swear falsely, Moroccans are wary to take oaths because even appearing to swear falsely could reduce a man’s social capital and “risk his overall attractiveness as a partner” in future commercial relations. 183 There is evidence in the Assarraf collection that oaths were more often threatened than actually required. For instance, on January 31, 1880, Zaynab b. Mulūk al-Qamrī sued Shalom, claiming that she had given him two silver bracelets as security for her husband’s presence in court. 184 At first Shalom denied that he had the bracelets; Zaynab responded by threatening to make him take an oath in support of his plea. Three weeks later, Shalom admitted that he had the bracelets after all and that he was keeping them until he settled with Zaynab’s husband—and thus avoided having to take an oath. 185 180 File #5, 15 Rajab 1296. 181 See, e.g., Maeterlinck, “Les institutions juridiques au Maroc,” 479; Kellal, “Le serment,” 19-20. Maeterlinck and Kellal both observe that the oath became a tool for blackmail since individuals were so eager to avoid it. 182 See, for instance, DNA, 2.05.15.15.81, George P. Hunos to John Drummond Hay, 25 July 1877, in which Humos observed that forcing a certain Jew from Safi to take an oath “is considered prejudicial to his social position, for he is considered one of the influential elders of the Jewish community of this town.” See also Goitein’s discussion of Jews’ reluctance to take oaths during the medieval period: Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, v. 2, 340. 183 Rosen, The Anthropology of Justice, 34-5. 184 TC, File #1, 18 Ṣafar 1297. Shalom sued Zaynab’s husband, Aḥmad b. ‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Qamrī al-Bashīmī, on February 9 of the same year (TC, File #5, 27 Ṣafar 1297) about a loan that he had guaranteed for Zaynab, which she in turn had guaranteed for her brothers Idrīs and Bū Shitta. However, it is likely that Zaynab had guaranteed Aḥmad’s presence in court for yet an earlier case (one not preserved in the Assarraf collection), since usually guarantees for the presence of the defendant in court were made in the midst of a trial. Thus, Zaynab would have given Shalom the bracelets as security long before the court case of February 9. 185 This was recorded in an entry of 10 Rabī‘ I 1297, under the initial maqāl. 114
In another instance of oath avoidance, the Jew Ḥaim b. Ya‘aqov Harosh sued the Muslim Aḥmad b. ‘Abd al-Mālik al-Tabrānī over ownership of a mechanized mill (probably for grinding flour). 186 Ḥaim claimed that he owned the mill even though it was in Aḥmad’s possession, but he could not prove his case. Ḥaim resorted to demanding that Aḥmad take an oath establishing that he—and not Ḥaim—was the true owner of the mill. Although Aḥmad could have easily ended the case in his favor by taking an oath to this effect, Aḥmad and Ḥaim instead reached a compromise (ṣulḥ). 187 They agreed to have the machine’s value appraised by an expert (mu‘allim mawākinā) and whoever kept the machine would pay the other half its price. It is essential to point out that Aḥmad’s advantage of having the possibility of taking an oath had nothing to do with the fact that his opponent was a Jew. Rather, the dénouement of this case followed the procedural guidelines laid out in Islamic law, which stipulated that if the plaintiff could not provide proof then he could demand an oath from the defendant. Nonetheless, Aḥmad refused to take an oath against the word of a Jewish plaintiff. This is another instance in which Jews’ experience in sharī‘a court owed more to the nature of Islamic law than to the fact that they were Jews. 188 Despite their shared aversion to oath-taking, Jews and Muslims appearing in the Assarraf collection did sometimes take oaths. For instance, in a case in which Shalom had to confirm that his debtor, Mālik b. Laḥsan al-Sūsī, still owed him an outstanding debt, Shalom went to the 186 TC, File #9, 1 Rabī‘ I 1301. In fact, the nature of the contested item is somewhat unclear; it was referred to as a “French machine” (al-majānna afrānsīsī [sic]): in the Moroccan context, “machine” (usually written as mākīna) typically meant an automated mill for grinding wheat into flour, olives into oil, etc. (see Holden, The Politics of Food in Modern Morocco, 48). On the introduction of mechanized mills in Morocco more generally, see ibid., Chapter 2. 187 This is recorded in an entry on the reverse of the document. 188 For more instances of oath avoidance, see File #10, 7 Muḥarram 1302; File #1, 22 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1323. See also the incident discussed above (in the discussion of releases), File #6, 8 Ṣafar 1327. At times, the legal document specifically says that one or both parties dropped the requirement of the oath from the other: File #10, 9 Rabī‘ I 1296; File #2, 25 Rabī‘ I 1298; File #4, 13 Ṣafar 1302; File #1, 14 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1322; File #5, 9 Shawwāl 1332. 115
- Page 73 and 74: preventing members of the community
- Page 75 and 76: ‘udūl. 76 These ‘udūl, whose
- Page 77 and 78: Eliyahu b. Ya'aqov Zohra bat Ya‘a
- Page 79 and 80: and Muḥammad would return the mon
- Page 81 and 82: Table 2.1 Types of Entries 2% 2% 2%
- Page 83 and 84: allegation or deposition in a case
- Page 85 and 86: court approximately once a week, ei
- Page 87 and 88: The introduction of the “protecti
- Page 89 and 90: ule; the ‘udūl almost always too
- Page 91 and 92: documents would stand up as evidenc
- Page 93 and 94: Empire. 49 A document in the Assarr
- Page 95 and 96: legal procedure was relatively mino
- Page 97 and 98: een optional as not all bills of de
- Page 99 and 100: Qa‘da 1309 (June 12, 1892), two
- Page 101 and 102: mostly meant extending credit on go
- Page 103 and 104: Other release documents specify tha
- Page 105 and 106: al-faqīh Aḥmad al-Filālī al-Ma
- Page 107 and 108: Lease contracts, on the other hand,
- Page 109 and 110: which was operated by Muslims durin
- Page 111 and 112: Shalom’s knowledge of Islamic law
- Page 113 and 114: elow). Although the majority of law
- Page 115 and 116: weeks after the plaintiff filed the
- Page 117 and 118: gathered twelve men who testified t
- Page 119 and 120: whether the qāḍī accepted al-
- Page 121 and 122: in the Assarraf collection indicate
- Page 123: (ittifāqīyan) and were testifying
- Page 127 and 128: Sharī‘a courts provided a crucia
- Page 129 and 130: agreement notarized according to Is
- Page 131 and 132: ability and desire to move among di
- Page 133 and 134: ‘udūl. 14 Most real estate trans
- Page 135 and 136: equire or benefit from adjudication
- Page 137 and 138: Simultaneous Use of Jewish and Isla
- Page 139 and 140: evidence from the nineteenth centur
- Page 141 and 142: to sue other Jews in sharī‘a cou
- Page 143 and 144: But what about intra-Jewish lawsuit
- Page 145 and 146: ut for the most part this is a here
- Page 147 and 148: the sum of three duoros per month.
- Page 149 and 150: only in Jewish law. This happened i
- Page 151 and 152: in the millāḥ of Marrakesh on Ap
- Page 153 and 154: aware of Jewish law and sometimes t
- Page 155 and 156: of a rabbi to determine the proper
- Page 157 and 158: ‘Aṭṭār, in order to find out
- Page 159 and 160: Muslims’ jurisdictional boundary
- Page 161 and 162: that they had successfully done so.
- Page 163 and 164: the Moroccan legal system more broa
- Page 165 and 166: translated as the territories under
- Page 167 and 168: elatively scant work on the legal h
- Page 169 and 170: law, even if they did not consisten
- Page 171 and 172: abrupt end after his death, as the
- Page 173 and 174: put it, “in all medieval Muslim s
In another instance of oath avoidance, the Jew Ḥaim b. Ya‘aqov Harosh sued the Muslim<br />
Aḥmad b. ‘Abd al-Mālik al-Tabrānī over ownership of a mechanized mill (probably for grinding<br />
flour). 186 Ḥaim claimed that he owned the mill even though it was in Aḥmad’s possession, but<br />
he could not prove his case. Ḥaim resorted to demanding that Aḥmad take an oath establishing<br />
that he—and not Ḥaim—was the true owner of the mill. Although Aḥmad could have easily<br />
ended the case in his favor by taking an oath to this effect, Aḥmad and Ḥaim instead reached a<br />
compromise (ṣulḥ). 187 They agreed to have the machine’s value appraised by an expert<br />
(mu‘allim mawākinā) and whoever kept the machine would pay the other half its price. It is<br />
essential to point out that Aḥmad’s advantage of having the possibility of taking an oath had<br />
nothing to do with the fact that his opponent was a Jew. Rather, the dénouement of this case<br />
followed the procedural guidelines laid out in Islamic law, which stipulated that if the plaintiff<br />
could not provide proof then he could demand an oath from the defendant. Nonetheless, Aḥmad<br />
refused to take an oath against the word of a Jewish plaintiff. This is another instance in which<br />
Jews’ experience in sharī‘a court owed more to the nature of Islamic law than to the fact that<br />
they were Jews. 188<br />
Despite their shared aversion to oath-taking, Jews and Muslims appearing in the Assarraf<br />
collection did sometimes take oaths. For instance, in a case in which Shalom had to confirm that<br />
his debtor, Mālik b. Laḥsan al-Sūsī, still owed him an outstanding debt, Shalom went to the<br />
186<br />
TC, File #9, 1 Rabī‘ I 1301. In fact, the nature of the contested item is somewhat unclear; it was referred to as a<br />
“French machine” (al-majānna afrānsīsī [sic]): in the Moroccan context, “machine” (usually written as mākīna)<br />
typically meant an automated mill for grinding wheat into flour, olives into oil, etc. (see Holden, The Politics of<br />
Food in Modern Morocco, 48). On the introduction of mechanized mills in Morocco more generally, see ibid.,<br />
Chapter 2.<br />
187<br />
This is recorded in an entry on the reverse of the document.<br />
188<br />
For more instances of oath avoidance, see File #10, 7 Muḥarram 1302; File #1, 22 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1323. See also<br />
the incident discussed above (in the discussion of releases), File #6, 8 Ṣafar 1327. At times, the legal document<br />
specifically says that one or both parties dropped the requirement of the oath from the other: File #10, 9 Rabī‘ I<br />
1296; File #2, 25 Rabī‘ I 1298; File #4, 13 Ṣafar 1302; File #1, 14 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1322; File #5, 9 Shawwāl 1332.<br />
115