IN THE COURTS OF THE NATIONS - DataSpace - Princeton ...

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The bills of debt found in the Assarraf collection conform to Islamic legal prescriptions against the outright charging of interest. 76 While it seems that at times the Assarrafs and other Jews did charge hidden interest on loans (see the discussion below and in Chapter Five), they were careful to ensure that their bills of debt did not reflect anything that could be considered usury. At least according to the official documentation, Jews’ lending practices were largely similar to those of Muslims. Nonetheless, Jews were overrepresented as moneylenders in nineteenth century Morocco. 77 Much of the historiography has explained Jews’ predominance as moneylenders as a result of Islam’s absolute prohibition on lending at interest, while Jewish law permitted Jews to lend at interest to non-Jews. 78 Yet the legal documents indicate that Jews did not charge interest openly; if this is so, then the fact that Jews were permitted by their own law to charge interest was irrelevant since in any case they followed the prescriptions of Islamic law. We must look for other reasons to explain Jews’ overrepresentation as moneylenders in nineteenth-century Moroccan society. The fact that, at least for the Assarrafs, lending money commercial transactions since the services of ‘udūl would presumably have been harder to find than in big urban centers like Fez. However, there is strong evidence from the pre-colonial and colonial periods that Jews and Muslims in rural areas did employ the services of ‘udūl: see Boum, “Muslims Remember Jews,” 232-44 and Schroeter, “Views from the Edge,” 181-5. 76 On legal ways to charge interest, see Abdullah Saeed, Islamic Banking and Interest: A Study in the Prohibition of Riba and its Contemporary Interpretation (Leiden: Brill, 1996), esp. 37-9. The Mālikī school was generally less tolerant of such legal fictions (see Mir Siadat Ali Khan, “The Mohammedan Laws against Usury and how they are Evaded,” Journal of Comparitive Legislation and International Law 11, no. 4 (1929); Joseph Schacht, “Riba,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, ed. P. Bearman, et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2003)). 77 Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira, 110, 72-3; Kenbib, Juifs et musulmans, 253-62; Mohammed Ennaji, Expansion européenne et changement social au Maroc : (XVIe-XIXe siècles) (Casablanca: Editions Eddif, 1996), 60-5. This seems not to have been the case in the medieval period or in most parts of the early modern Ottoman Empire, where Jews were just as likely to borrow from Muslims as were Muslims from Jews: Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, v. 1, 256-8; Haim Gerber, “Jews and Money-lending in the Ottoman Empire,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 72, no. 2 (1981); idem, “Muslims and Zimmis in Ottoman Economy and Society: Encounters, Cultures and Knowledge,” in Studies in Ottoman Social and Economic Life, ed. Motika Raoul et. al. (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1999). 78 See, e.g., Salo W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 18 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), v. 4, 197-202; Leland Bowie, “The Protégé System in Morocco, 1880-1904” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, 1970), 242; Michael M. Laskier and Reeva Spector Simon, “Economic Life,” in The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in Modern Times, ed. Reeva Spector Simon, Michael M. Laskier, and Sara Reguer (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 32. 90

mostly meant extending credit on goods suggests that money lending in general was deeply intertwined with consumption patterns. Jews’ prominence as peddlers, middlemen, and— increasingly as the nineteenth century wore on—import/export merchants goes a long way in explaining Jews’ overrepresentation as moneylenders. 79 The predominance of bills of debt is not surprising given that individual extension of credit was the only way most Jews and Muslims in nineteenth-century Morocco could borrow money. A formal banking system only began to develop in the late nineteenth century, and even then it was largely limited to the coasts where more foreign nationals and protégés resided. 80 In places like Fez, however, the economy relied on merchants’ ability to sell goods on credit; merchants, in turn, relied on the services of sharī‘a courts to ensure that their loans would be honored. In this sense, the services of ‘udūl both helped the Moroccan economy run and helped tie Jewish businessmen to their Muslim clients. Partnerships, Releases, Sales, Leases, and Powers of Attorney Although bills of debt brought the Assarrafs and their associates to sharī‘a courts most often, there were a number of other types of transaction which they and other Moroccan Jews typically had notarized. The most common kinds of documents found in the collection consist of releases, sales (mostly of animals), leases of real estate, and powers of attorney. When the Assarrafs entered into formal partnerships with Muslims, they went to the sharī‘a court to notarize contracts detailing the nature of the arrangement. For instance, in the summer of 1898, Ya‘aqov notarized a document attesting to the fact that he and a Muslim were 79 On Jews’ overrepresentation as merchants in rural areas in particular, see Deshen, The Mellah Society, 32-9. 80 Starting around 1890, some Jews in Tangier opened European-style banks and extended credit to merchants in Fez. However, this was on a very limited scale before 1912 and did not disrupt the older forms of credit extension (Le Tourneau, Fès avant le protectorat, 289-90). 91

mostly meant extending credit on goods suggests that money lending in general was deeply<br />

intertwined with consumption patterns. Jews’ prominence as peddlers, middlemen, and—<br />

increasingly as the nineteenth century wore on—import/export merchants goes a long way in<br />

explaining Jews’ overrepresentation as moneylenders. 79<br />

The predominance of bills of debt is not surprising given that individual extension of<br />

credit was the only way most Jews and Muslims in nineteenth-century Morocco could borrow<br />

money. A formal banking system only began to develop in the late nineteenth century, and even<br />

then it was largely limited to the coasts where more foreign nationals and protégés resided. 80 In<br />

places like Fez, however, the economy relied on merchants’ ability to sell goods on credit;<br />

merchants, in turn, relied on the services of sharī‘a courts to ensure that their loans would be<br />

honored. In this sense, the services of ‘udūl both helped the Moroccan economy run and helped<br />

tie Jewish businessmen to their Muslim clients.<br />

Partnerships, Releases, Sales, Leases, and Powers of Attorney<br />

Although bills of debt brought the Assarrafs and their associates to sharī‘a courts most<br />

often, there were a number of other types of transaction which they and other Moroccan Jews<br />

typically had notarized. The most common kinds of documents found in the collection consist of<br />

releases, sales (mostly of animals), leases of real estate, and powers of attorney.<br />

When the Assarrafs entered into formal partnerships with Muslims, they went to the<br />

sharī‘a court to notarize contracts detailing the nature of the arrangement. For instance, in the<br />

summer of 1898, Ya‘aqov notarized a document attesting to the fact that he and a Muslim were<br />

79<br />

On Jews’ overrepresentation as merchants in rural areas in particular, see Deshen, The Mellah Society, 32-9.<br />

80<br />

Starting around 1890, some Jews in Tangier opened European-style banks and extended credit to merchants in<br />

Fez. However, this was on a very limited scale before 1912 and did not disrupt the older forms of credit extension<br />

(Le Tourneau, Fès avant le protectorat, 289-90).<br />

91

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